Textos enviados por

Charles C. Reynolds Waddy

(Desde Nueva Zelanda)

 

 

Nota previa:

Charles C. Reynolds Waddy, nos envió varios textos de gran valor, el año 2008. Por razones de falta de tiempo he tardado en incluirlos, pero son realmente interesantes, tanto por la información nueva que nos aportan como por poder contrastar y corregir otras anteriores.

En el texto que adjunto en español, solo he omitido algunas cosas de menos interés, según mi criterio, pero realmente muy poco. No obstante, a continuación de cada artículo, he editado el texto completo, original, en inglés.

ANDANZAS y hazañas de la familia Reynolds (PREFACIO) - Copio el prefacio que envió Charles, a travé de Jorge Reyolds Bueno, y que introduce unos puntos de vista bastante interesantes para comprender los orígenes de nuestra historia familiar.

CHATHAM nos descibe los lugares y y las aventuras de nuestro antepasado Thomas William Reynolds y su paso de Gran Bretaña a Portugal.

CARISBROOK es el título de otro artículo, que corresponde al nombre de la casa familiar del matrimonio formado por James Macandrew y Eliza Reynolds, la hija menor de Thomas William Reynolds. Este intersante documento sobre la vida de nuestros lejanos parientes de Nueva Zelanda, a mediados del siglo XIX, está muy bien documentado y refleja perfectamente las actividades agrícolas y comerciales de aquella época, en aquellas lejanas tierras (para mi).

Gracias Charles.

 

Andanzas y hazañas.

Andanzas y hazañas de una familia en Gran Bretaña, Portugal, Nueva Zelanda, y España.

Por Charles Carlton Reynolds Waddy

Versión 27 enero 2013

 

 

 

Prefacio:

En primer lugar, para responder a la pregunta más obvia: ¿Por qué he dado a esta historia el título de Andanzas? En parte para reconocer la deuda que debo a William Romão Reynolds, la primera persona que trató de reunir toda la información que pudo sobre sus padres y sus antepasados, tratando de expresarlo como un cuento narrativo. Pero, como he añadido, es evidente que la historia básica son las andanzas de un pequeño grupo familiar.

El significado más obvio de la “andanza” es el sentido geográfico, y en esto la familia Reynolds parece haber sobresalido. Eran, por supuesto, parte de un movimiento mucho más grande. El siglo XIX fue testigo de un notable nivel de emigración que dio lugar a la propagación de las ideas europeas por todas las partes del mundo, y que modeló esas sociedades según las normas de Europa. En gran medida este vasto movimiento centrífugo pudo realizarse gracias a los avances tecnológicos que permitieron y alentaron muchas familias a abandonar los lugares donde sus antepasados habían vivido durante generaciones.

Los viajes del capitán Cook se tomaron, por lo general, como la primera vez en que fueron superados los problemas de la vida en el mar, durante largos períodos de tiempo. En años anteriores se habían registrado algunas travesías, particularmente desastrosas, en las que casi toda la tripulación había muerto, pero a finales del siglo XVIII, los capitanes ilustrados estaban aplicando las medidas higiénicas y una mejor administración de suplementos dietéticos para asegurar la supervivencia de ellos mismos, de su tripulación y de los pasajeros. Cook fue uno de esos capitanes. Sin embargo, los problemas no terminaban automáticamente cuando se llegaba a un puerto. En algunos puertos tropicales, la tasa anual de mortalidad entre los europeos era casi una tercera parte de todos los habitantes de Europa. - El hecho de que fuera poco probable vivir hasta la vejez si se viajaba a tierras extranjeras, había desalentado a mucha gente, pero los emigrantes más locos y fuertes, y tal vez los más desesperados, viajaron hasta los rincones más remotos del planeta. A comienzos del siglo XIX, el régimen dietético solo permitía, tanto a los pasajeros como a la tripulación, sobrevivir a viajes de hasta seis meses de duración. Esto era conocido y se estaba actuando en consecuencia. Desde entonces, las posibilidades de sobrevivir a la vejez fueron casi tan buenas como si se hubieran quedado en casa.

También hubo grandes cambios en la industria manufacturera y en la agricultura. Los envases y embalajes ingleses son sólo un ejemplo de dichos cambios, y a pesar de que mejoró la productividad agrícola, miles de trabajadores de la tierra tuvieron que buscar trabajo lejos de sus pueblos natales. Por otra parte, las nuevas máquinas y nuevos procesos industriales mejoraron la productividad de las fábricas, obligando a miles de artesanos a abandonas sus viejos oficios. Los nuevos productos elaborados en las nuevas fábricas eran mucho más baratos, lo que permitió a muchas más personas que pudieran comprarlos, y con el aumento del consumo, aumentó la demanda de materias primas para las nuevas fábricas. Las mejoras tecnológicas en el sector de los transportes, hicieron que estas materias pudieran llegar desde todos los rincones del globo. Y para gestionar esas transacciones eran necesarios nuevos profesionales del comercio, y esa fue una de las razones por las que la familia Reynolds comenzó sus andanzas geográficas.

Pero también es posible interpretar un sentido diferente al geográfico, si recorremos la jerarquía social de arriba a abajo. En el siglo XIX, en la mayoría de los países, la jerarquía social era mucho más rígida de lo que es hoy. Las posiciones de poder y de autoridad, fueron conseguidas casi siempre, por hombres que tuvieron las conexiones familiares adecuadas. A veces ayudó la riqueza, pero para alguien que tratara de abrirse camino hacia arriba, tener un familiar o amigo de la familia en el lugar correcto y en el momento adecuado, era la mejor garantía de éxito.

Los signos externos de este éxito fueron siempre muy apreciados. Cualquiera que hubiera sido oficial del Ejército o de la Marina, a menudo podía utilizar los honores de su rango para perpetuar el momento de éxito, para el resto de su vida. En ningún sentido, se puede decir que la familia Reynolds tuviera esos privilegios. Da la impresión que ningún miembro de la familia tuvo una educación formal más allá de la edad de catorce años, y muchos de ellos recibieron mucho menos escolaridad. Pero aunque, posiblemente, no hubieran recibido una educación formal, pertenecían a un sector de la sociedad británica en la que se valoró bastante a los emprendedores empresariales con iniciativa. Esto los llevó a buscar oportunidades fuera de Gran Bretaña.

En la antigua sociedad de Iberia, su condición de forasteros les dio la oportunidad de moverse y de participar en el comercio, algo que no conseguían fácilmente los habitantes autóctonos. En la nueva sociedad sin pulir, de Nueva Zelanda, la ausencia de los viejos patrones de privilegio, o de rango, abrió grandes oportunidades que hubieran sido inalcanzables para ellos, tanto en gran Bretaña como en la Península Ibérica. Todos ellos jugaron un papel importante en los acontecimientos de su época, y gracias a que algunas de sus actividades fueron en la esfera de lo público, sus vidas están bien documentadas.

La dinámica interna y las interacciones de la familia, también se vieron influidas por la Religión, tanto sus actividades sociales, políticas, como los roles de género que les asignó la Sociedad del siglo XIX.

He tenido la suerte de encontrar bastante material original para poder decir algo sobre los aspectos públicos y privados de sus vidas. - Hay diez participantes principales en esta historia. Aunque muchas otras personas se introducen en la narración de las vidas, estos diez miembros de la familia Reynolds constituyen el corazón de esta historia.

Esta es su historia.

 

Varias firmas de algunos miembrops de los antiguos Reynolds.

 

 

 

ooooooOOOoooooo

 

 

 

 

 

VERSION
27 January 2013
Compiled by:
Charles Waddy
The Waterfall
Seddon 7285
New Zealand
Email: waterfall@xtra.co.nz

 

PREFACE


To answer the most obvious question first. Why have I given this story the title of Wanderings? In part it is to acknowledge the debt that I owe to William Romão Reynolds, the first person who tried to gather together all the information that he could about his parents and their family and to try to set it out as a narrative tale. But, as I have added to his story, it has become apparent that the basic story is one of the wanderings of one small family group.
The most obvious meaning of the verb to wander is the geographical sense, and in this the Reynolds family seems to have excelled. They were, of course, part of a far larger movement. The nineteenth century saw a remarkable level of emigration from Europe which led to the spread of European ideas, and societies modelled on the European norm, to all parts of the globe. To a large extent this vast centrifugal movement was driven by changes in technology that both allowed it to happen and encouraged the participants to think of leaving the places where their forbears had lived for generations.
The voyages of Captain Cook are usually taken as being some of the first in which most of the problems of living at sea for extended periods were overcome. In earlier years there had been some particularly disastrous voyages in which almost the whole crew had died but, by the end of the eighteenth century, enlightened captains were applying the principles of cleanliness and dietary supplementation to ensure the survival of themselves, their crew and their passengers. Cook was one of these captains. However, problems did not automatically cease once you arrived at a port. In some tropical ports the annual death rate amongst Europeans was almost one third of all European inhabitants. The fact that you were unlikely to live to old age if you travelled to foreign parts had discouraged all but the most fool hardy from migrating to the far flung corners of the globe. By the start of the nineteenth century the dietary regime that allowed both passengers and crew to survive voyages of up to six months duration was known and was being acted upon. Your chances of surviving to old age were now almost as good as if you had stayed at home.
There were also massive changes in manufacturing and agriculture. The Enclosures in England are just one example of the changes that, although they may have improved agricultural productivity, forced thousands from the land to look for jobs far from their ancestral villages. In the mills new machines and processes improved productivity – forcing hundreds of old craft workers to give up their home based handiwork for the new regime. The new factory produced goods were far cheaper which allowed far more people to buy them which led to an increased demand for raw materials for the new factories. Improvements in transport technology meant that these goods could now come from all corners of the globe. And to organise this trade merchants were needed – and this was one reason why the Reynolds family started its geographical wanderings.
However, it is possible to wander in a different sense to the geographical sense. It is also possible to wander up and down the social hierarchy. In the nineteenth century, in most countries, the social hierarchy was a good deal more rigid than it is today. Positions of power and authority were taken by men, and it was almost always men, with the right family connections. Wealth sometimes helped but, for someone trying to make their way upwards, having a relative or family friend in the
right place at the right time was best guarantee of success. The outward signs of such success were always highly regarded. Anyone who had ever been officer in the Army or Navy would often use the honorific due to that rank to mark that moment of success for the rest of their life.
In no sense can the Reynolds family be described as coming from such a privileged background. It would seem that no member of the family had any formal education beyond the age of fourteen – and some of them received considerably less schooling than that sparse amount. Although they may not have been highly educated in a formal way they came from a section of British society in which enterprise and initiative were valued. This led them to look for opportunities outside Britain.
In the old society of Iberia their position as outsiders gave them the opportunity to move about and take part in trade, something that did not come easily to many of the indigenous inhabitants. In the raw new society of New Zealand the absence of the old patterns of privilege and rank opened up opportunities that would have been inaccessible to them in either Britain or Iberia. They all played a part in the events of their times and, because at least some of these activities were in the public arena, their lives are well documented. The internal dynamics and interactions of the family were influenced by religion, their business activities, their political activities and the roles that gender assigned them in nineteenth century society. I have been fortunate enough to come across enough source material to be able to say something about both the public and the private aspects of their lives.
There are ten core participants in this story. Although many other people are introduced into the narrative the lives of these ten members of the Reynolds family constitute the heart of the story. This, then, is their tale.

 

 

 

 

ooooooOOOoooooo

 

 

 

 

CHATHAM

 

Chatham es una célebre ciudad, muy extensa y muy poblada, del condado de Kent. Dicho condado está situado a lo largo de las orillas del río Medway, al este de Rochester. - Los arsenales, almacenes, casas y astilleros, ocupan un espacio de terreno a lo largo de casi un kilómetro y medio de orilla. Por el lado de tierra, dicho terreno está defendido por sólidas fortificaciones, formando una escena grandiosa, de gran seguridad y de utilidad, algo muy satisfactorio para todos los ingleses, pues la seguridad de su país la llevan todos en su corazón. La construcción de los barcos, la elaboración de los cabos y los cordajes, etc., emplean a un gran número de personas.

Publicado en el Directorio Pigot & Co., del Condado de Kent en 1824.

En los últimos años del siglo XVIII, Chatham y sus alrededores constituyeron el punto de partida de esta historia. Durante muchos años, el río Medway y las ciudades situadas en sus proximidades, estaban estrechamente asociados con la Armada Británica. Un gran número de personas estaban involucradas, talando robles de los bosques cercanos, y transformándolos, en los astilleros navales de Chatham y Rochester, en barcos de guerra. Un poco más arriba de los muelles del río, está la ciudad de Maidstone y allí, en la década de 1780, vivía una familia llamada Reynolds.

En 1786, nació en esta familia un hijo, al que sus padres llamaron Thomas (Thomas William), que fue bautizado en la Iglesia Anglicana de Todos los Santos de Maidstone, Kent, el día 29 de octubre de 1786. El registro bautismal afirma, que Thomas William era el segundo hijo de Ann y de William Reynolds, que había nacido en Maidstone, el día 11 de octubre de aquel año. Su madre se llamaba Ann Johnson antes de casarse, y según las tradiciones familiares, parece ser que sus padres vivían en East Farleigh, cerca de Maidstone. Los orígenes de William Reynolds son menos seguros, pero según la tradición familiar, procedían de Exeter, en Devon.

 

 

En tal caso, ¿Cómo es posible que William Reynolds, procedente de Devon, se casara con Ann Johnson en Maidstone, el día 12 de enero de 1779? - Como, tanto Plymouth como Chatham fueron importantes puertos navales, es posible que William Reynolds fuera un hombre de la Marina Real, que terminó asentándose lejos de su puerto de origen. Otra posibilidad, es William Reynolds hubiera nacido en Damerel Stoke, Devon, en 1759. Damerel Stoke está a corta distancia hacia el interior de Plymouth, y Maidstone es parte de la región de Chatham.

Thomas fue el segundo hijo de los siete que tuvieron William y Ann Reynolds, y fue el único que sobrevivió hasta la edad adulta. Los demás hijos de esta familia fueron bautizados y enterrados en Maidstone. Los siete hijos nacieron en Maidstone. - En algún momento después de 1786, William y Ann Reynolds se trasladaron a Chatham para iniciar un pequeño negocio de comercio en general, cerca de los muelles. Parece probable que William usara su experiencia como marino para establecer una tienda de velas para los barcos, y también vender otros suministros marinos a los suboficiales navales, que eran los responsables de las provisiones de los buques. - El último hijo de William y Ann, que se llamaba Juan, nació en Chatham. John Reynolds tenía sólo cinco años de edad cuando murió, en 1802, y sus padres llevaron su cuerpo a Maidstone para enterrarlo junto a sus hermanos. (1)

Chatham era un puerto animado y bullicioso en aquel tiempo, pues la Marina estaba en el momento más importante de su guerra contra Napoleón. Los astilleros de ambos lados del Medway estaban muy ocupados con las reformas y reparaciones continuas de los buques de guerra, así como de la construcción de otros nuevos. Los buques que se encontraban en servicio activo, estaban fondeados, anclados en alta mar, en una zona llamada el Nore, en la desembocadura del río Medway. (Poco más al sur de la desembocadura del Támesis) Desde el Nore los barcos podían entrar en acción, en el momento de recibir una orden. Si fondearan junto a Chatham, que podría llevarse a cabo fácilmente según el estado de las mareas y del viento, no estarían listos para emprender una acción inmediata.

En las calles cercanas a la entrada de los astilleros ce Chatham estaban algunos comerciantes tratando de ofrecer sus productos a los oficiales que necesitaran provisiones adicionales para sus naves. Al parecer, William Reynolds se instaló allí para iniciar este tipo de comercio. - El Joven Thomas William Reynolds tenía doce años cuando la familia llegó a Chatham y su padre propuso hacerlo aprendiz, junto al hijo de Mr. King, un vecino que tenía un negocio similar en Chatham, y a cambio, él le enseñaría al hijo de Mr. King, los rudimentos de su oficio. Los dos muchachos se convirtieron en buenos amigos, y cuando terminaban su jornada de trabajo, solían subirse a una pequeña patera y remaban río arriba, río abajo, observando los barcos de guerra que tanto admiraban. - Por supuesto, aquel ambiente era bastante inquietante para ellos, que no eran más que un par de adolescentes impresionables. La charla constante sobre la guerra y las aventuras en alta mar, causaron gran impacto en ellos y decidieron viajar como polizones en uno de aquellos barcos de guerra. - Debido a los fondos arenosos del río, muy pocas de las naves más grandes, se aventuraban a navegar por el Medway hasta llegar a Chatham, pero otras más ligeras, como las fragatas eran visitantes frecuentes del puerto. Una fragata desplazaba un promedio de unas 900 toneladas, y llevaba una sola cubierta de entre treinta a cuarenta cañones. Las Fragatas no estaban diseñadas para hacer frente a todos los contendientes, que era el trabajo de las naves mayores, pero disponían de gran capacidad de maniobra, y podían alejarse a gran velocidad, cuando convenía. Podían llevar provisiones para seis meses, con una tripulación de 250 hombres, y se podían encontrar por todo el mundo. Además del capitán, por lo general llevaban a bordo a cuatro tenientes y dos oficiales de marina. (2) - La tripulación no encontró a Thomas y su amigo hasta que los dos jóvenes comenzaron a marearse, y entonces, la fragata estaba bien lejos de tierra. Debido a que las ordenes selladas del capitán lo apremiaban a llegar a las Islas Baleares, no pudieron dar la vuelta para desembarcar a los dos polizones. Una vez que el capitán los hubo reanimado con unos tragos de coñac, les dijo que aunque fueran hijos de buenas familias, los pondría a limpiar y ensuciar todos los días los pies de toda la tripulación, por atreverse a viajar de polizones en su barco. (3) No obstante, en aquella etapa de las guerras napoleónicas, la Marina Británica estaba desesperada por reclutar hombres para sus tripulaciones. Cualquier hombre a fin de cuentas. Casi todos los marineros que había cerca de los puertos de mar, ya habían sido enrolados en la Armada, y ahora las patrullas de reclutamiento estaban alistando a marineros de agua dulce, toscos e inexpertos, para las nuevas tripulaciones. Es posible que al capitán no le molestara demasiado descubrir a bordo de su fragata, a los dos muchachos (que tenían unos quince o dieciséis años), y que merodeaban alrededor de los barcos, admirándolos.

Por lo que el nieto de Thomas William recordaba de los cuentos de su abuelo, muchos años más tarde, parece ser que la fragata zarpó de Chatham con destino a las Baleares. Desde que los británicos habían capturado, en noviembre de 1798, el puerto de Mahón en la isla de Menorca, aquel puerto era una importante base británica, y fue la sede de la Armada Real en el Mediterráneo occidental. Normalmente había una decena de fragatas basadas allí, para hostigar a la flota francesa, y bloquear los puertos continentales. - Por desgracia, no ha sido posible identificar el nombre de la fragata en la que Thomas Reynolds navegó, pues había un gran número de ellas que pasaron por Chatham y por los fondeaderos de la desembocadura del río Medway. Los registros de tripulantes en los barcos de la Armada, figuraban como listas de reclutamiento de buques, y se utilizaron para el cálculo de los salarios que se les debía a los hombres. Pero si no se conoce el nombre del barco, es prácticamente imposible seguir la carrera naval de un marinero. Si Thomas Reynolds se hubiera convertido en un oficial, hubiera sido mucho más fácil rastrear sus movimientos.

Casi un siglo más tarde, (en el obituario de su hijo William) (4) se afirmaba que Thomas W. había sido teniente de la Marina. Esto parece poco probable, ya que no parece haber servido en la Marina durante un período suficientemente largo como para hacer la transición de marinero a teniente. En el siglo XVII, Samuel Pepys, famoso cronista y secretario de la Armada, había establecido las normas para el ascenso a teniente. Para ser promocionado, el solicitante tenía que haber estado en el mar durante un tiempo, y haber servido en un puesto de responsabilidad. (5) - Desde 1729, el requisito de tiempo en el mar se había definido, por lo general, en seis años, con al menos, dos de esos años, en la Armada, ya sea como guardiamarina o como ayudante de un maestro. Luego, pasado este tiempo, una Junta de tres capitanes examinaba al solicitante antes de ser ascendido. (6) Una vez que un guardiamarina se convertía en teniente, su nombre completo aparecía en la lista de la Armada, y tenía derecho a la mitad de la paga, cuando se retirase del servicio activo. - El nombre de Thomas William Reynolds no aparece en las listas de la Armada. (7) Los jóvenes de familia influyente, comenzaban su carrera como “los niños del capitán”, a veces, incluso antes de los diez años de edad, por lo que podrían llegar a hacer el examen siendo relativamente jóvenes. Una vez que habían pasado el examen, comenzaban a subir poco a poco los cargos de su promoción. Así, podrían llegar a ser Almirante, alrededor de los 60 años. - Thomas W. Reynolds no tuvo ese grado de influencia, por lo que es poco probable que alguna vez compareciera ante la Junta para optar a la promoción del rango de oficial. Sin embargo, es posible que pudiera haber sido ascendido al rango de teniente en funciones, por un capitán que necesitara un oficial, para sustituir a otro que hubiera muerto o hubiera sido herido de gravedad. Este era un caso frecuente en los buques que servían en las Indias Occidentales. La combinación de una alta tasa de mortalidad por las enfermedades, y la distancia a Gran Bretaña, significó que muchas promociones en el Caribe no siguieron el patrón habitual de ascenso. Es posible que la fragata en la que Thomas pasara algún tiempo, destinada en las Antillas, patrullando frente a las costas de América del Sur, y que él recibiera el ascenso a bordo de su buque, durante ese tiempo. Al parecer, durante el tiempo que Thomas W. y su amigo servían en la fragata, uno o dos guardiamarinas aparecieron asesinados, y se dice, que el capitán promovió a ambos chicos al cargo de guardiamarinas. También parece poco probable que Thomas W. se mantuviera en el mismo barco durante toda su carrera naval, pues debido a la escasez de mano de obra, y a los requisitos de ciertas maniobras, los hombres a menudo eran transferidos de un buque a otro. Sin embargo, en medio de todos estos supuestos, hay una cosa que sí sabemos con certeza: En 1809, Thomas W. Reynolds regresó a Gran Bretaña.

 

 

 

Después de la derrota de la flota francesa y española en Trafalgar, en 1805, la Armada Británica volvió a estar menos activa en alta mar. Algunos barcos pasaron periodos de tiempo más largos en los puertos navales británicos, y parece ser que el buque donde Thomas estaba sirviendo fue destinado al puerto naval de Leith, cerca de Edimburgo. - En 1809, había casi siempre una o dos fragatas basadas en Leith, así como una pequeña flota de balandros, junto con un número similar de bergantines. (8) - Estos buques proporcionaban escoltas armadas a los buques mercantes que participan en el comercio entre Escocia y Escandinavia. Cualquier marinero, tripulante de una de estas naves, habría tenido la oportunidad de afincarse en Edimburgo.

Thomas William Reynolds, a sus veinte años de edad conoció a Marion Hunter, que era de su misma edad, y como disponía de tiempo libre, poco después, casi todas las tardes iba a caballo desde Edimburgo a la granja de sus padres para visitar a Marion. (9) Marion era la quinta, de once hermanos, hijos de Robert y Elizabeth Hunter, que eran inquilinos de una finca llamada “Red Humbie”, en la parroquia de Yester. Ella había sido bautizada en Yester, el 28 de mayo de 1786. - La parroquia de Yester se encuentra en la vertiente norte de la colina “Lammermuir Hills”, a unas veinte millas de Edimburgo, en el Condado de Haddingtonshire.

En los primeros años del siglo XIX, varios miles de personas vivían en aquella parroquia. La mayoría dependían de la agricultura para su sustento. También algunos tejedores de lana, que trataban de sobrevivir, luchando contra la competencia de los nuevos procesos industriales. Cerca de 6.000 hectáreas de la parroquia, se dedicaban al cultivo, y los arrendatarios de aquellas tierras, lo hacían de forma intensiva. Otras tierras menos fértiles se dedicaron al pastoreo del ganado de las aldeas y las granjas. El ganado era enviado a pastar durante la temporada, al cuidado del pastor del pueblo. (10) El acceso a las tierras comunitarias fue muy importante para los miembros más pobres de la sociedad, pues necesitaban todos los ingresos y alimentos que pudieran obtener. Las actividades que se podían ejecutar en los bienes comunitarios, se vieron limitados por el hecho de que los animales tenían que ser estabulados y alimentados durante los meses de invierno. - Los agricultores de esta zona fueron considerados como los más avanzados, tecnológicamente, de Escocia. Esta fue la primera zona de Escocia, en la que los propietarios de recibían dinero de las rentas, en lugar del antiguo régimen semi-feudal de pagos en especies. Una vez que la tierra estaba alquilada, se hizo rentable para los propietarios, invertir el dinero en mejoras, abonando los campos, drenando las áreas más húmedas, y mediante el uso de rotaciones de cultivos. Los modernos agricultores estaban recibiendo rendimientos equivalentes a diez veces el coste de la semilla que habían sembrado. Esto suponía el doble del rendimiento obtenido por los antiguos sistemas que se utilizaban en Escocia. (11) - La proximidad del gran mercado de Edimburgo fue el factor clave que animó a los propietarios de Haddingtonshire a realizar el cambio a una agricultura comercial más intensa. El lado negativo de este cambio fue que se suprimieron un gran número de sub-arrendamientos de las granjas, y los campesinos que habían vivido en estas propiedades de alquiler, como mano de obra temporal para los agricultores, se quedaron sin empleo, y se marcharon a Glasgow o a Edimburgo para convertirse en asalariados. Por otra parte, las cosechas habían fallado durante varios años, en la época del nacimiento de Marion, y las condiciones habían sido especialmente duras en varias áreas de Escocia, causando muchas quiebras a los agricultores inquilinos y a los propietarios, lo que iba a ser el patrón continuo hasta que aumentó el precio del grano, a principios del siglo XIX. (13) - En muchas partes de las tierras bajas de Escocia, la respuesta de los propietarios a esta situación fue tratar de modernizar las prácticas agrícolas de sus inquilinos, y de paso, así mejoraba la viabilidad financiera de su patrimonio. - Algunos inquilinos, tras luchar por la supervivencia, decidieron dejar la parroquia para buscar fortuna en otros lugares. Dos de los tíos de Marion, James y Thomas Hunter, había ido a Edimburgo, donde se dedicaron al comercio.

John Hunter, el hermano mayor de Marion, se trasladó a Edimburgo en 1807 (14) y poco después fundó una tienda de vinos, licores y té, situada en el 109 de High Street. La vida cotidiana de un pueblo típico de las tierras bajas, estuvo muy influida por la religión de sus habitantes. En la mayor parte de Escocia, la Reforma había arraigado como una forma más austera del protestantismo. A lo largo de los siglos XVI y XVII, hubo una feroz lucha entre los episcopales y los presbiterianos, para acordar cómo dirigir la Iglesia de Escocia. Bajo el sistema episcopal, que fue adoptado por los obispos en Inglaterra, la jerarquía estableció las normas de conducta de la vida religiosa. Se trataba de una forma de Religión más conservadora. Bajo el sistema presbiteriano, cada parroquia era mucho más autónoma en sus normas, y con los votos de los feligreses, en la parte inferior de la jerarquía, se determinaba la política de toda la iglesia. A veces los predicadores más formados podían inspirar a sus feligreses, y una ola de fiebre renacentista se extendió por muchas parroquias, y en ocasiones, a lo largo de toda la Iglesia. En Escocia, la forma presbiteriana de gobierno eclesiástico había prevalecido, y se había producido una forma especialmente puritana de la Religión, pero finalmente, el entusiasmo y el fervor se desvanecieron, y la vida religiosa se hizo más tolerante. - Los propietarios tomaron el control sobre el nombramiento del ministro de la iglesia local, pues la vida era más tranquila para el propietario, si cada domingo, el ministro de su iglesia local no inflamaba los ánimos de la congregación, con sermones sobre el fuego del infierno y la condenación. Por eso trataron de nombrar ministros más moderados. - Aunque pocos feligreses vivían lejos de la aldea, era difícil saber lo que hacían o lo que les ocurría. Por eso, se les pedía a todos que asistieran a los servicios de la Iglesia, los domingos por la mañana, pues era el único día de la semana en que la mayoría de los feligreses podían hablar largo y tendido con sus vecinos. - La iglesia por lo general era muy sencilla, y el servicio era simple, con un largo sermón como parte común de las actividades. - Los primeros líderes presbiterianos habían sido firmes creyentes en los beneficios de la educación, y en cada parroquia había al menos una escuela, lo que significa que casi todos los adultos sabían, hasta cierto punto, leer y escribir.

Los miembros de la familia Hunter eran unos arrendatarios muy trabajadores, y en Haddingtonshire también estaban orgullosos de ellos, por sus conexiones con el mayorazgo de Polmood en Peeblesshire. La primera referencia documental de una relación entre la familia Hunter y Polmood, se remonta al 14 de agosto 1439. Sin embargo, a finales del siglo XVIII, la línea de descendencia directa del heredero varón de más edad había fracasado. La propiedad de una finca sólo podía ser transmitida en herencia a quien tuviera ese derecho, de acuerdo a las leyes de primogenitura, lo que significaba que la finca pasaba a ser propiedad de quien demostrara ser el descendiente directo de un titular anterior. - Varios candidatos distantes y empobrecidos, pretendieron estar relacionados con el último heredero reconocido, comenzando a ejercer acciones legales para demostrar que tenían derecho a heredar las 1.700 hectáreas que quedaron de la finca. Sin embargo, la línea de descendencia era muy larga y difícil de probar. - Adam Hunter, un pobre colono, hijo de un pastor, era el litigante principal y el primer caso con el que se vio involucrada la corte. El proceso se inició en 1780, con diversos procedimientos legales que duraron hasta 1814. Pero al final, el pleito no tuvo éxito. (15) - La propia conexión de Marion Hunter con Polmood fue escasa. Su tatarabuelo, un tal John Hunter, que murió alrededor de 1650, fue el último de sus antepasados directos que vivió en la finca. (16)

Las amonestaciones para el matrimonio de Thomas William Reynolds y Marion Hunter se leyeron en Lasswade, el 14 de octubre de 1809. Lasswade está al oriente de Humbie y no muy lejos, al sur de Edimburgo. Después de su matrimonio, Marion y Thomas William se trasladaron a Londres. Su primer hijo, el primero de 12, fue Thomas Reynolds, quien nació el 29 de septiembre de 1811, en London Wall, Londres. Marion no quiso que a su hijo lo bautizara un ministro anglicano según los ritos de la Iglesia Anglicana. Esta decisión, por desgracia, le causó algunos problemas prácticos. - Por entonces, muchos padres protestantes procuraban que sus hijos fueran bautizados en una iglesia anglicana, por lo que no aparecían en un registro oficial de relaciones parentales, de cara a su futura herencia. Sin embargo, no todos los clérigos anglicanos miraban con buenos ojos esta artimaña, y a veces, los padres tenían que llevar al bebé a otra parroquia para que fuera bautizado allí. - Una gran comunidad de protestantes, vivía muy al sur de la ciudad de Londres, en el barrio de Newington, y Thomas William y Marion llevaron allí a su hijo, para bautizarlo en la iglesia parroquial de Santa María. El ministro presbiteriano de la Iglesia escocesa en “London Wall”, el reverendo Robert Young, lo bautizó el 15 de noviembre de 1811. (17)

Parece ser que por aquellas fechas, Thomas William Reynolds estaba muy activo en su papel de comerciante en Londres, pero no está claro si era por cuenta ajena o por cuenta propia. También por entonces, Thomas W. comenzó una relación de negocios con el mayor de sus cuñados, John Hunter en Edimburgo, quien abrió un libro mayor de contabilidad, a nombre de Thomas W., en junio de 1815. (18) No llegó a ser un negocio muy activo, y lo cerraron 18 meses más tarde, pero indica que Thomas W. Reynolds estaba interesado en los negocios de comercio. Alrededor de ese tiempo, Marion tomó a su pequeño hijo Thomas y se fue a visitar a sus padres en Edimburgo. - El hermano menor de Marion, Robert, se había hecho cargo de la concesión de una nueva granja cerca de Yester, y parece ser que sus padres y sus hermanos solteros se habían trasladado a vivir en las afueras de Edimburgo, en Fountainbridge. - En esta etapa, Thomas seguía siendo hijo único, ya que el segundo hijo de Thomas y Marion, al que habían bautizado como Robert, murió al poco de nacer.

En una historia que le contó a sus hijos, muchos años más tarde, el Thomas recordó: "Llevaba un sombrero con una pluma de avestruz cosida al mismo, del que se sentía muy orgulloso, y mientras los mayores hablaban, él correteaba, escondía el bastón de su abuela, y hacía mucho ruido, dando vueltas por la habitación con un látigo, hasta que su tía Elizabeth se cansó. Ésta, se levantó furiosa, le arrebató el sombrero de la cabeza, y lo arrojó al fuego de la chimenea. Afortunadamente, Marion estaba sentada cerca, y sacó el sombrero a tiempo de no estropearse, pero la pluma quedó reducida a cenizas". (19)

Entre 1817 y 1820, Thomas W. y Marion se mudaron a Chatham, donde Thomas W. se hizo cargo del negocio familiar de velas para barcos. - William, el padre de Thomas W., había muerto el 27 de agosto 1809 y desde entonces, su madre, Ann, regentaba el negocio. Aunque Chatham era todavía una ciudad de tamaño razonable, pues en 1824 su población era de unos 14.754 habitantes (20), el bullicio y la actividad que había caracterizado a Chatham, durante las guerras napoleónicas, había desaparecido y el comercio era mucho menos importante de lo que fue entonces. Sabemos que Marion permaneció en Chatham durante los siguientes años. - Unos meses más tarde, el 17 de abril 1820, les nació otro hijo que fue bautizado como Robert Reynolds Hunter (21), en la Capilla Ebenezer de los Independientes, en Clover Street, Chatham. - Los independientes, también conocidos como los congregacionalistas, eran una secta disidente, con fuertes simpatías hacia el presbiterianismo. La principal diferencia entre las sectas era el hecho de que los presbiterianos insistían en que sus ministros fueran ordenados sacerdotes, mientras que los independientes no. (22) - El último hijo varón de Marion y de Thomas William, fue bautizado en la misma capilla, el 1 de enero de 1822, con el nombre de William Reynolds Hunter.

Thomas William Reynolds no era el tipo de persona que se conformaba estando detrás del mostrador de una tienda de Chatham, esperando a que los clientes entraran por la puerta. Por eso, pasaba parte de su tiempo viajando, buscando mejores productos para su negocio. Aunque ahora Marion vivía en Chatham, estaba siempre en contacto con su familia de Edimburgo. Su padre, Robert Hunter, murió el 11 de diciembre 1820 en su casa de Fountainbridge. En su testamento se dice que era un agricultor de Woodhead, cerca de Yester, pero no era la misma finca de Humbie donde nació Marion, y es posible que la familia hubiera cambiado de arrendamiento en 1810. - Como hijo mayor, John Hunter asumió las responsabilidades del jefe de familia, y siguió pagando las rentas a sus hermanas solteras. Su negocio estaba prosperando, y en 1823, abrió otra tienda en el 176 de High Street, de Edimburgo (24). También estaba contratando más aprendices. (25) - Su negocio fue lo suficientemente rentable como para pagarle estudios de formación jurídica a su hijo mayor, Robert, y estudios de Medicina a su segundo hijo, John. - Una vez que su hijo Robert completó tres años como pasante en la oficina de un abogado, entró en el negocio de su padre, y en septiembre de 1823, padre e hijo hicieron juntos un viaje de negocios a Londres.

Hacia el final de 1824 el tío de Marion, Thomas Hunter, murió y todos sus sobrinos y sobrinas recibieron una donación o legado, de unas 100 £ cada uno. Marion utilizó parte de ese dinero en comprar acciones de la empresa “Canal Company” y una fundición, dejando el resto para un negocio con su hermano John. (26)

A Principios de 1825 Thomas W. Reynolds viajo a Edimburgo para involucrarse en algún proyecto con su cuñado John Hunter. Éste corrió con los gastos, tanto del viaje de Thomas a Glasgow, como del alojamiento de Marion en Edimburgo. Esto fue durante los primeros días de abril de aquel año. El Propósito exacto de la esa expedición no se conoce, pero seguramente fue para tratar el tema de los Presupuestos Británicos del mes de marzo de 1825. En esos presupuestos, se habían reducido bastante, los aranceles sobre la mayoría de las importaciones a Gran Bretaña. Entre otros, los impuestos para importar vinos de cualquier otro país. Esto creaba nuevas y buenas oportunidades para los importadores británicos.

El 13 de abril de 1825, en una carta de John Hunter a su hermana Marion, se dice que los dos habían viajado a Porto, Portugal. Parece ser que así fue como Thomas W. Reynolds decidió cambiar de ser importador de vinos de Oporto, a tratar de exportarlos desde Portugal a su propio negocio en Gran Bretaña. - Thomas tenía buenos contactos en diferentes partes de Gran Bretaña, y John Hunter en Edimburgo. Su viejo amigo Mr. King, todavía mantenía sus negocios en Chatham (27), y además, tenía otros contactos en Londres, de sus tiempos en aquella ciudad. Si utilizaba bien esas conexiones tendría las bases de un buen negocio. Sin embargo, los principales productos que Thomas W. Reynolds había encontrado en Portugal para vender en Chatham eran, corcho elaborado de Cataluña (Tapones para botellas) y corcho virgen (Sin procesar) de Portugal. Entonces decidió mudarse a Oporto, y exportarlos. El Negocio de Chatham fue vendido a un tal Mr. Parton (28).

La familia se mudó a Oporto, aunque Thomas W. permaneció un tiempo en Gran Bretaña, ocupándose de las gestiones en aquella parte, así como de la parte portuguesa. En los libros de contabilidad de John Hunter comenzaron a figurar apuntes de pagos a Thomas W. Reynolds por partidas de corcho, limones, cebollas, y naranjas, enviadas a Escocia desde Portugal. A cambio, otras partidas de carbón eran enviadas desde Escocia a Portugal.

Porto fue, y sigue siendo, la segunda ciudad de Portugal. Cuando la familia Reynolds llegó allí, su población era de unos 30.000 habitantes. El barrio residencial, había crecido en la empinada ladera de orilla norte del río Duero, y estaba congestionado. - La principal riqueza de exportación, tanto de esta ciudad como de todo Portugal, era el vino de Oporto, que se almacenaba en las bodegas, de la orilla sur del río, en el barrio de Vila Nova de Gaia, porque presentaba mucho mejor acceso a las embarcaciones.

Por aquellas fechas, ya existía una comunidad de comerciantes británicos bien establecida, con experiencia en la venta y transporte de estos vinos a Gran Bretaña. Los exportadores de vino eran, en cierta medida, una comunidad cerrada, y autosuficiente, que a veces vivían en un ambiente bastante hostil para ellos, y se puede decir que durante el siglo XVIII, la comunidad británica en Porto había desarrollado una cierta paranoia justificada. - Una de las razones era que el Santo Oficio de la Inquisición, había alentado el secuestro de niños protestantes de más de siete años de edad, para que pudieran ser criados como católicos. (29) - Otra razón era, que desde sus primeros tiempos de asentamiento, los protestantes sólo podían enterrar a sus muertos en las playas, por debajo de la línea de la marea alta. Ese edicto había sido impuesto a los británicos para asegurarse de que los cuerpos de los herejes protestantes, nunca contaminarían el suelo del Portugal católico. El mar se los llevaría. - En 1817, finalmente se les dio permiso a los británicos que vivían en Porto, para construir una capilla protestante. El primer capellán protestante en Porto, el reverendo Edward Whiteley, llegó en 1825 y asumió los puestos duplicados de capellán y maestro de escuela de la comunidad británica. - El centro social y comercial de la comunidad británica era la casa de la fábrica, que en los primeros años del siglo XIX, todavía estaba allí, en una calle conocida como “Rua Nova dos Inglezes”. La casa-fábrica estaba muy bien, pero era un edificio bastante incongruente, de estilo neoclásico, construido por el cónsul británico en Oporto, en 1786. Le había costado muchos años construirlo, y había sido pagado con un impuesto especial que se cobraba a las exportaciones a Gran Bretaña, durante un período muy largo. Debido a que habían pagado por ello durante mucho tiempo, las empresas vitivinícolas, establecidas desde antiguo, consideraban que tenían derecho sobre la propiedad del edificio.

Con el final de las guerras napoleónicas, había aumentado la afluencia de empresas británicas a Oporto, y los recién llegados se sentían también con derecho a utilizar las instalaciones de la casa-fábrica, pero las antiguas sociedades establecidas, reaccionaron formando un club con el nombre de “La Asociación Británica”, y se apropiaron del uso del edificio, solo para ellos. - En 1824, una veintena de los recién llegados, pidieron al secretario de Relaciones Exteriores que puedan hacer uso del edificio. (30) Los comerciantes titulares reaccionaron con gran energía contra esta sugerencia, y mantuvieron correspondencia con las autoridades británicas sobre dicha materia, durante los siguientes diez años, hasta que la disputa se resolvió finalmente.

Los nuevos negocios de Thomas W. Reynolds parece que habían prosperado. La tierra en la costa, cerca de Porto está bien regada y era posible el cultivo de cosechas de corcho, naranjas, limones y cebollas, productos que escaseaban en los mercados de Gran Bretaña. Thomas W. mantuvo bastante tiempo su asociación con John Hunter, quien pagaba sus gastos de viajes a Londres, a Glasgow y a Edimburgo, para comercializar los productos de Portugal. - Thomas W. Reynolds iba a Gran Bretaña cada dos o tres meses, más o menos, y en noviembre de 1825, incluso llegó a arrendar un almacén en Edimburgo, para facilitar las operaciones de la empresa. (31)

En agosto de 1826, John Hunter invirtió 70 libras en una goleta, la Eliza, que se utilizó para llevar las mercancías entre Porto y Gran Bretaña. - El negocio de Thomas W. creció, y en marzo de 1827, el valor de las transacciones, solo con John Hunter, fue de más de 200 libras. - Marion se quedaba en Oporto con sus hijos, mientras su marido hacía los viajes de ida y vuelta a Gran Bretaña. - El último de los hijos de Thomas W. y Marion, fue Eliza Hunter Reynolds, bautizada en la capilla británica de Oporto, el 7 de marzo de 1827.

En noviembre de 1827, Marion recibió una herencia de su hermana Elizabeth, desde Edimburgo. Tanto Marion, como su hijo mayor, Thomas junior, que entonces tenía alrededor de dieciséis años, se ocupaban de algunas gestiones del negocio familiar en Porto, durante las frecuentes ausencias de Thomas W. Incluso tenían dos empleados para ayudarlos. Dos “gallegos”, que comenzaron a trabajar para Thomas W. Reynolds en aquel tiempo, y que siguieron trabajando para la familia Reynolds durante muchos años. Uno, que siempre fue conocido como el “Tío Juanito”, en realidad había nacido en Cádiz, pero, como sus dos padres eran de Galicia, él siempre se consideró un gallego. El otro, José do Porto, habían venido de la ciudad de Tuy, en la frontera entre Galicia y Portugal. El padre de José había querido que José fuera sacerdote, pero él se había negado a seguir la vocación, y se había escapado de casa. Cuando Thomas W. lo encontró, estaba vagando por las calles de Porto, como un indigente, y le ofreció un trabajo como almacenero. (32)

El negocio no parece haberse ocupado del vino de Oporto en gran medida. Seguramente, cuando llegó a Porto, la intención de Thomas W. fuera comprar vinos para comercializarlos en Edimburgo, a través de los negocios de John Hunter, pero no sería nada fácil para un recién llegado, competir y conseguir vinos de calidad. Las empresas establecidas como Croft, o Warre, siempre habían tenido las mejores conexiones con los intermediarios portugueses, que pasaban buena parte de su tiempo, lejos, río arriba, visitando los viñedos del Alto Duero, para asegurarse los mejores vinos para sus conexiones inglesas. Esto dio a los exportadores establecidos una enorme ventaja a la hora de adquirir los vinos de primera calidad para la exportación. (33) - Hay una pequeña cantidad de vino que figura en las facturas de John Hunter, y en los conocimientos de embarque, pero parece que se trataba de un vino áspero de la región costera del río Miño, un vino que se conoce como “vino verde”, que no es tan valioso como los famosos vinos de Oporto.

Sin embargo, había una creciente demanda de corcho, que la familia Reynolds estaba suministrando directamente, de los cortadores de corcho, desde Aberdeen, a Dover. En las colinas de la costa, al sur de Porto hay algunos bosques de alcornoques, y hay aún más alcornoques en Portugal, en otros lugares, por lo que Thomas W. Reynolds y su negocio se involucraron cada vez más en la industria del corcho con el paso del tiempo.

 

Anotaciones:

(1) Reynolds, Janet A Family History April 2000 Lisbon pp 26-29 – (2) Henderson, James The Frigates 1970 London pp18-21 – (3) William Romão Reynolds The Wanderings and Doings of an English Family 1926 Estremoz in the possession of Madalena Azevedo Cruz of Estremoz - (4) Obituary William Hunter Reynolds Otago Daily Times 1 April 1899 – (59 Henderson, James The Frigates 1970 London pp87-89 – (6) Rodger, N A M The Command of the Sea 2004 London p381 – (7) Reynolds, Janet A Family History April 2000 Lisbon p38 – (8) Public Record Office, Kew. ADM 8/97 and ADM 8/98 show the disposition of naval ships in 1809. Thomas Reynolds was not a member of the crew of any of the four frigates – Ardent, Ariadne, Nymphen, Tartar – that were based in Leith in 1809. He may, however, been on board one of the other ships. – (9) William Romão Reynolds The Wanderings and Doings of an English Family 1926 Estremoz in the possession of Madalena Azevedo Cruz of Estremoz – (10) Statistical Account 1835 Compiled by the ministers of the various parishes of Scotland – (11) Devine, T M The Transformation of Rural Scotland Edinburgh 1994 p56 - (12) Spence, Catherine Helen Mr Hogarth's Will London 1865 p123 – (13) Devine, T M The Transformation of Rural Scotland Edinburgh 1994 p74-5 – (14) John Hunter's Ledger. He paid £7/19/- to become a burgess of Edinburgh on the 8th April 1807. CS96/1673 National Archives of Scotland – (15) Buchan J W & Paton H A History of Peebleshire 1925-27 Jackson, Wylie and Co. Glasgow – (16) Genealogical Notes compiled by Marsha Donaldson –(17) William Romão Reynolds The Wanderings and Doings of an English Family 1926 Estremoz in the possession of Madalena Azevedo Cruz of Estremoz Chapter 2nd –(18) John Hunter's Ledger p64, CS96/1973 National Archives of Scotland – (19) William Romão Reynolds The Wanderings and Doings of an English Family 1926 Estremoz in the possession of Madalena Azevedo Cruz of Estremoz Chapter 2nd – (20) Pigot's 1824 Directory of Kent – (21) Birth certificate cited in Os Reynolds em Portugal Alberto de Sousa Machado and João Carlos de Sousa, Estremoz 1970 – (22) Gardner, James The Faiths of the World Edinburgh 1850 – (23) Will of Robert Hunter, formerly of Woodhead 26 September 1821 National Archives of Scotland – (24) John Hunter's Cash Book 17/11/1819-11/6/1824 CS96/1601 National Archives of Scotland – (25) Charles Mackinlay & Co Ltd Outline document on company history (2000) Charles MacKinlay was indentured as a new apprentice by John Hunter in 1824 – (26) John Hunter's Cash Book 12/6/1824-2/5/1829 CS96/1602 National Archives of Scotland – (27) 1823 Piggott Directory of Kent lists King and Reynolds as merchants in Chatham – (28) William Romão Reynolds The Wanderings and Doings of an English Family 1926 Estremoz in the possession of Madalena Azevedo Cruz of Estremoz Chapter 2nd. Pigot's 1824 Kent Directory lists a Henry Parton as a grocer in Chatham High Street – (29) Shaw, L M E The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance and the English Merchants in Portugal 1654-1810 Aldershot 1998 pp172-80 – (30) Public Record Office, Kew FO 63/427 Oporto Factory House file. Thomas Reynolds was not one of the petitioners. – (31) John Hunter's Cash Book 12/6/1824-2/5/1829 CS96/1602 National Archives of Scotland. On the 21st of November Thomas Reynolds paid £2 for the lease of a warehouse in Edinburgh – (32) William Romão Reynolds The Wanderings and Doings of an English Family 1926 Estremoz in the possession of Madalena Azevedo Cruz of Estremoz Chapter 2nd – (33) Duguid, Paul The Bark of the Bourgeoisie Capitalists and Speculators in the Port Trade 1810-1840 Paper presented at the American Anthropological Association November 17 1999.

 

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CHATHAM

I S an extensive, populous, and celebrated town of Kent, situated along the banks of the Medway and on the east side of Rochester. The arsenals, store-houses, and dock-yard, which cover a space of ground measuring upwards of three-fourths of a mile in length, defended on the land side by strong fortifications, presents a scene of magnificence and extensive utility, which must yield to the mind of every Englishman, who has the safety of his country at heart, a gratification of no common cast. The building of vessels, making of cordage, etc., employ a great number of persons.

Pigot & Co‘s Directory of Kent, 1824

 

Chatham and its environs in the closing years of the eighteenth century provide the starting point for this story. For many years, the Medway River and the towns alongside it were closely associated with the British Navy. A large number of people were involved in taking oak from the nearby forests and transforming it into fighting ships at the naval dockyards in Chatham and Rochester. A little way up the river from the docks is the town of Maidstone and here, in the 1780s, lived a family by the name of Reynolds. In 1786 a son, who his parents named Thomas, was born into this family. His baptismal entry in the Anglican Church of All Saints in Maidstone, Kent on 29 October 1786 states that he was the second child of Ann and William Reynolds and that he was born in Maidstone on 11 October.

His mother, Ann Reynolds, was born Ann Johnson and from the family traditions that have been passed down it would seem that her parents lived at East Farleigh, near Maidstone. The origins of her husband are somewhat less certain; the family tradition has always been that the Reynolds family originally came from Exeter in Devon.

 

 

 

In that case, how did a William Reynolds from Devon end up marrying Ann Johnson in Maidstone on 12 January 1779? As both Plymouth and Chatham were important naval ports, it is possible that this William Reynolds was a one stage a sailor in the Royal Navy and he ended up settling down far from his port of origin. One possibility is a William Reynolds, who was born in Stoke Damerel, Devon 1759. Stoke Damerel is short distance inland from Plymouth; Maidstone is part of the near hinterland of Chatham.

Thomas was William and Ann Reynolds‘ second child. Eventually they were to have seven children but Thomas was the only one to survive until adulthood. All the other children in the Reynolds family were both baptized and buried in Maidstone. The six oldest children were all born in Maidstone.

Sometime after 1786 William and Ann Reynolds moved to Chatham to start a small business as a general merchant closer to the dockyards. It seems likely that William may have decided to make use of his experience as a sailor to set up a chandlery and sell marine supplies to the naval quartermasters, who were responsible for the provisioning of the ships. William and Anne‘s last child, who they named John, was born in Chatham. John Reynolds was only five years old when he died in 1802 and his parents took his body to Maidstone so that they could bury him alongside his siblings. (1)

Chatham was a lively and bustling port at this time as the Navy was close to its peak strength in the war against Napoleon. The dockyards on both sides of the Medway were very busy with the continual refurbishment of older war ships and the building of new ones. Ships that were on active duty were stationed at the Nore, the anchorage on the open sea at the mouth of the Medway, where they could sail into action at a moment‘s notice. If they had been anchored at Chatham they could easily be held up by the state of the tide or the wind and, as a result, not be ready for instant action. In the streets near the entrance to the dockyards there were a few merchants hoping to tempt the officers who were looking for extra provisions for their ships. It would seem that William Reynolds set himself up to enter this trade. Young Thomas Reynolds was twelve when the family arrived in Chatham and his father decided that he would apprentice his son to a Mr King, who had a similar business in Chatham. In return, he would teach King‘s son the rudiments of the trade. The two boys became good friends and, after they had finished work for the day, they would row up and down the river looking at the visiting ships. It was, of course, a somewhat unsettling environment for two, rather impressionable, teenage boys. The constant talk of war and adventure on the high seas had some impact on them and they decided to stow away on a warship. Because of the silted condition of the river very few of the larger capital ships ever ventured up the Medway as far as Chatham but the smaller, lighter frigates were frequent visitors to the port. An average frigate was around 900 tons capacity and she carried a single deck of between thirty and forty cannons. Frigates were not designed to tackle all comers; this was the job of the capital ship, but they were able to use their superior manoeuvrability to distance themselves from overwhelming force. They could carry six months provisions for the crew of 250 and were to be found throughout the world. Besides the captain, there would usually be four lieutenants and two marine officers on board. (2)

The crew did not find Thomas and his friend until the frigate was well away from land and both youths were suffering from seasickness. Because the Captain was under sealed orders to make for the Balearic Islands in the Mediterranean, he could not turn around and drop the two stowaways off. Once the Captain had brought them back to their senses by pouring a dose of brandy down their throats he told the two boys =that though they were the sons of gentle folk yet he would make them clean and blacken every day the feet wearables of all the ship‘s company for daring to stow away on his ship.‘3 At this stage in the Napoleonic Wars, the Navy was desperate for men, any men at all. Almost every single capable sailor from anywhere near the seaports had been press-ganged into the Navy and by now raw and inexperienced landlubbers were being conscripted to crew the ships. It is possible that the captain would not have been too upset when he found two lads – who were some fifteen or sixteen years old and knew their way around boats – on board his frigate.

From what his grandson remembered of his grandfather‘s tales many years later it seems that the frigate sailed from Chatham to the Balearics. Ever since the British had recaptured it, in November 1798, Port Mahon on the island of Minorca had been an important British base and it was the headquarters for the Royal Navy in the western Mediterranean. There were usually ten or so frigates based there, harassing the French fleet and blockading the continental ports. Unfortunately, it has not been possible to identify the frigate that Thomas Reynolds sailed on. There were a large number of frigates passing through Chatham and the naval anchorages on the Medway River. Records of the men on the ships in the Navy were gathered in ships‘ muster rolls that were used for calculating the wages that were due to the men – but if the name of the ship is not known it is virtually impossible to follow the naval career of a seaman. If Thomas Reynolds had ever become an officer, it would be far easier to trace his movements.

Almost a century later – in his son William‘s obituary (4) – there is a claim that Thomas had been a lieutenant in the Navy. This would seem to be unlikely because he does not seem to have served in the Navy for long enough period to make the transition from raw seaman to lieutenant. In the seventeenth century Samuel Pepys, famous diarist and Secretary of the Navy, had set down the rules for promotion to lieutenant. To be eligible for consideration for promotion the applicant had to have been at sea and, during that time, he must have served in a responsible position. (5) Since 1729 the requirement for sea time had been defined as six years at sea overall, with at least two of those years being spent in the Navy as either a midshipman or as a master‘s mate, and then – once this time was completed – a Board of three post captains would then examine the applicant before he was commissioned. (6) Once a midshipman became a full lieutenant his name would appear on the Navy List, and he was entitled to half pay when he was stood down from active duty. Thomas Reynolds‘ name does not appear in the Navy List. (7) Young men of influence would start their sea career as captain‘s boys – sometimes before they were even ten years old – and so they would be able to sit the exam when they were relatively young. Once they had passed the exam they would slowly climb the promotion ladder and, maybe, become Admirals by the time they were sixty.

Thomas Reynolds did not enjoy this degree of influence and so it is unlikely that he ever appeared in front of the Board to be considered for promotion to the rank of officer. It is possible that he may have, at one time, been promoted to the rank of acting lieutenant by a captain who needed an officer to replace someone who had either died or been disabled. This was a very common occurrence on ships serving on the West Indies Station. The combination of a high death rate from disease and the distance from Britain meant that many promotions in the Caribbean did not follow the usual pattern for advancement. The frigate that Thomas was serving on spent some time based in the Antilles, cruising off the South American coast and it is possible that he received a shipboard promotion during this time. It would seem that one stage – either in the Mediterranean or elsewhere – when Thomas was serving on the frigate at least one or two of the midshipmen on board the frigate were killed and, it is said, that the captain promoted the two boys to act as midshipmen. It would also seem unlikely that he remained on the same ship for his entire naval career. Because of manpower shortages and operational requirements men were often transferred between ships. Nevertheless, in the midst of all this supposition, there is one thing that we do know for sure – by 1809 Thomas Reynolds had returned to Britain.

 

 

After the defeat of the French and Spanish fleets at Trafalgar in 1805 the British Navy saw less active duty on the high seas. Some ships became based at British naval ports for longer periods and it seems possible that the ship Thomas was serving on eventually made its way to the naval port of Leith, near Edinburgh. In 1809 there were usually one or two frigates based at Leith, as well as a small fleet of six or so sloops along with a similar number of brigs. (8) These ships provided armed escorts for merchant ships involved in the trade between Scotland and Scandinavia. Any sailor based on one of these ships would have had ample opportunity to socialise in Edinburgh. Thomas Reynolds was now in his early twenties, with a little free time, and somehow he made the acquaintanceship of Marion Hunter, who was about the same age as he was. It soon became Thomas‘s habit =to ride … from Edinburgh to her father‘s farm almost every afternoon. (9) Marion was the fifth of the eleven surviving children of Robert and Elizabeth Hunter, who were tenants of a farm called Humbie Mains at Humbie in the parish of Yester. She had been baptized at Yester on 28 May 1786.

The parish of Yester lies on the northern slopes of the Lammermuir Hills, some twenty miles from Edinburgh, in the county of Haddingtonshire. In the early years of the nineteenth century, some one thousand people lived in the parish. Most were dependent on agriculture for their livelihood, although there were a few hand weavers who struggled on in the face of competition from the new industrial processes. About 6,000 acres in the parish was considered to be of arable quality and tenant farmers cultivated this better land intensively. The rough hill land was considered to be waste land and livestock from the villages and farms would be sent to graze it in the appropriate season under the supervision of the village shepherd. (10) Access to this common land was very important to the poorer members of the community who badly needed any extra income and food that they could obtain there. The numbers of stock that they could run on the commons were limited by the fact that the animals had to be housed and fed over the winter months.

The farmers of this area were considered to be amongst the most technologically advanced in Scotland. This was the first area of Scotland in which the landlords enclosed (or =improved‘ ) the land – the old system of cultivating broad open rigs and semi-feudal arrangements such as payment in kind was supplanted by a new regime of small individual farms and money rent. Once the land was enclosed it became worthwhile for the landlords to invest money in capital improvements and by liming the soils, draining the wetter fields and using modern crop rotations farmers were getting yields equivalent to ten times the seed that was sown. This was double the return given by the old systems used elsewhere in Scotland. (11) However, as had happened in England a generation or two earlier, enclosure meant the loss of the commons and the ancient privileges associated with them. This meant hardship for those who had been dependent upon the gleanings from the commons for the extra food that allowed them to survive. Many cotters bitterly resented the loss of the commonage. (12) The proximity of the large cash market of Edinburgh was the key factor that encouraged the landlords of Haddingtonshire to make an early change to more intensive commercial farming. The downside of this change was that a large number of subtenancies on the farms were done away with and the cotters, who had lived on these minute rental properties growing a few potatoes and providing seasonal labour to the farmers, soon became transient field labourers with no guarantee of sustenance. Many left their home parish and became wageworkers in either Glasgow or Edinburgh. The tenant farmers had slightly more certainty about their future – the usual lease lasted for a period of nineteen years and it was relatively common for tenants to move from farm to farm at the expiry of a lease.

Even though there had been some technological improvements in agriculture, it was still a marginal existence. If the climate happened to be unfavourable both the landlords and their tenants would face hard times. In this situation, the landlord‘s first priority was to look after his better tenants. If they were forced to leave their farms he would not receive any rent from these farms when times were good. If the harvest failed for one season the landlord would usually forego his rent until the tenant had a more favourable season. When the harvests failed for several years in a row the landlord would sometimes be forced to find food for his starving tenantry. The harvests had failed for several years around the time of Marion‘s birth and conditions had been particularly hard in several areas of Scotland with many bankruptcies amongst both tenant farmers and landlords; this was to be the continuing pattern until the price of grain rose at the start of the nineteenth century. (13) In many parts of Lowland Scotland the landlord‘s response to this predicament was to try and modernise the farming practices of his tenants and – by doing this – improve the financial viability his estate. For the tenants the constant struggle to survive meant that there was always some who made the decision to leave the parish to seek their fortune elsewhere. Two of Marion‘s uncles, James and Thomas Hunter, had gone to Edinburgh where they took to trade. John Hunter, Marion‘s oldest brother, moved to Edinburgh in 1807 (14) and a short time later he set up a shop dealing in wine, spirits and tea at 109, High Street.

The nature of day to day life in a typical Lowland village was determined by the religion of its inhabitants. The Reformation had given most of Scotland a rather austere form of Protestantism. Throughout the 16th and 17th centuries, there had been a fierce struggle between the Episcopalians and the Presbyterians as to the way the Church of Scotland was to be governed. Under the Episcopalian system that was adopted in England the bishops, at the head of the hierarchy, laid down the rules for 11

the conduct of religious life – this was a prescription for a rather conservative form of religion. Under the Presbyterian system, each parish was far more autonomous in its conduct, with votes from the parishioners at the bottom of the hierarchy determining the policy of the entire church. At times gifted preachers would inspire their parishioners and a wave of revivalist fever would spread throughout the parish, and sometimes throughout the whole church.

In Scotland the Presbyterian form of church government had prevailed and for a while there had been a particularly puritanical form of religion in Scotland. Eventually the enthusiasm and fervour waned and religious life became more stolid. The landowners took control over the appointment of the minister to the local church. In theory, the male heads of every single family in the parish should have voted to confirm the appointment of the landlord‘s nominee but by the end of the eighteenth century this confirmation had become a matter of form. Life was quieter for the landlord if the minister at his local church was not inflaming the congregation with hellfire and damnation sermons every Sunday and he usually tried to appoint a more educated and subdued minister. The minister kept a very close eye on the moral welfare of the parish and any misdemeanours were thoroughly aired in each parish‘s Kirk sessions. It was, of course, not very difficult to find out what most of the parishioners were doing as very few lived at a great distance from the village. Everyone was expected to attend the service on Sunday morning and the mingling of the congregation in the churchyard after the service was the one time in the week when most of the parishioners were able to talk at length with their neighbours. The church was usually very plain and the service simple, with a very long sermon being a common part of the proceedings. The early Presbyterian leaders had been strong believers in the benefits of education and in every parish there was at least one school, which meant that almost every adult was, to a certain extent at least, literate.

Even though the members of the Hunter family were, by now, hard working tenant farmers in Haddingtonshire they were proud of their connections with the entailed estate of Polmood in Peeblesshire. The first documented reference to a connection between the Hunter family and this estate dates back to 14 August 1439. However, by the end of the eighteenth century the line of direct descent to the eldest male heir had failed. Once an estate was entailed, it could only be passed on to the heir who had precedence according to the laws of primogeniture, which meant that the estate would go to anyone who could show direct descent from an earlier holder of the estate. Several distant, and impoverished, relations of the last recognized heir started legal proceedings to show that they were entitled to inherit the 1,700 acres that remained of the estate. However, the line of descent was very long and hard to prove. Adam Hunter, a poor tenant farmer and the son of a herdsman, was the main litigant and the first court case with which he was involved started in 1780, with the various legal proceedings dragging on until 1814. In the end, his suit was unsuccessful. (15) Marion Hunter‘s own connection with Polmood was slight. Her great, great grandfather, a John Hunter who died around 1650, was the last of her direct ancestors to live on the estate. (16) The Hunter family of Humbie did not participate in the years of litigation over the Polmood estate.

The banns for the marriage of Thomas Reynolds and Marion Hunter were read on 14 October 1809 at Lasswade, which is east of Humbie and not very far south of Edinburgh. After their marriage Marion and Thomas Reynolds moved to London. Their first child, Thomas William Reynolds, was 12

born on 29 September 1811 in London Wall, London. It would seem that Marion Reynolds did not want to have her child baptised by an Anglican minister following the rites of the Anglican Church. This decision, unfortunately, presented her with some practical problems. At that time, many non-conformist parents would make sure that their child was baptised in an Anglican church so that there would be an official record of the parental relationship for inheritance purposes. However, not all Anglican clergy looked on this ruse with favour and sometimes the parents would have to take the infant to another parish to be baptised. A large community of non-conformists lived well to the south of the City of London in the suburb of Newington so Thomas and Marion took their young boy to the parish church of St Mary‘s Newington. The Presbyterian minister of the Scotch Church at London Wall, the Reverend Robert Young, baptised the young Thomas Reynolds at St Mary‘s, Newington on 15 November 1811. (17)

It would seem that at this time Thomas Reynolds was active as a merchant in London, whether this was as an employee or on his own account is not clear. At one stage, he started a trading account with his brother-in-law in Edinburgh – John Hunter opened a ledger account in Thomas‘s name in June 1815. (18) This was never a very active account and it was closed eighteen months later with the note that the loss on the account was £35/16/4 but it indicates that Thomas Reynolds was, at the very least, interested in commerce and trade. Around that time, Marion Reynolds took her young son Thomas with her to visit her parents in Edinburgh. Marion‘s younger brother Robert had taken over the lease of a new farm near Yester but it seems that her parents and unmarried siblings had moved to the Edinburgh suburb of Fountainbridge. At this stage, Thomas was still an only child because Marion and Thomas‘s second child, who they had christened Robert, had died in infancy. In a tale that he recounted to his children many years later; the younger Thomas remembered:– =wearing a hat with an ostrich plume stuck on it of which he was very proud, and while the elders were talking he had kept racing on his Grandmother‘s walking stick, whip in hand, making a great noise, round and round the room until he annoyed his aunt Elizabeth. She angrily snatched the cap from his head and threw it into the fire grate. Luckily Marion was sitting close to the fire and pulled the hat out of the fire in time to save it from being burnt, but the feather was burnt to a cinder. (19)

It would seem that at some point between 1817 and 1820 Thomas and Marion Reynolds moved to Chatham where Thomas took over the family‘s ship chandlering business. Thomas‘s father, William, had died on 27 August 1809 and his mother had been running the business ever since then. Although Chatham was still a town of reasonable size – in 1824 its population was some 14,754 (20) – but the bustle and activity that had characterised Chatham during the Napoleonic wars was long gone and trade was a good deal slower than it had been. We know that Marion, at least, was to remain in Chatham for much of the time over the next few years. Another son was born on 17 April 1820 (21) and he was christened Robert Hunter Reynolds in the Independent‘s Ebenezer Chapel in Clover Street, Chatham some two months later. The Independents, otherwise known as the Congregationalists, were a dissenting sect with strong sympathies towards Presbyterianism – the main difference between the sects being the fact that the Presbyterians insisted that their ministers were ordained clergy while the Independents did not. (22) The last of Marion and Thomas‘s sons, William Hunter Reynolds, was christened in the same chapel on 1 January 1822. However, it is evident that Thomas Reynolds was not the type of person who would find it at all satisfying to stand behind a counter of a shop in Chatham, waiting for customers to come in through the door. It seems possible that he would have spent at least some of his time travelling in search of produce to sell in his shop.

Even though Marion Reynolds now lived in Chatham, she remained in touch with her family in Edinburgh. Her father Robert Hunter died on 11 December 1820 at his house in Fountainbridge. In his will it is stated that he was a farmer of Woodhead – which is near Yester but it was not the same farm as Humbie Mains where Marion was born and it is possible that the family had changed tenancies in the period since 1810. He died intestate and when the estate was finally settled, in September 1821, the assessed value of his main asset, the household furniture, came to only £81/6/-. His eldest son, John, acted as executor. (23) John Hunter seems to have taken on the responsibilities of the head of the family as he continued to pay annuities to his unmarried sisters. His business was prospering – he opened another shop at 176, High Street, Edinburgh in 1823 (24) and he was taking on more apprentices. (25) His business was profitable enough for him to pay for his eldest son, Robert, to undertake some basic legal training and for his second son, John, to train as a doctor. Once he had completed three years as a Signet clerk in a lawyer‘s office Robert Hunter entered his father‘s business and in September 1823 father and son made a business trip to London together.

Towards the end of 1824 Marion‘s uncle, Thomas Hunter, died and all of his nephews and nieces received a gift or legacy of around £100 each. Marion used some of this money to buy shares in a Canal Company and a foundry and she left the rest of it on account with her brother John. (26) Early in 1825 Thomas Reynolds travelled to Edinburgh – it seems that he and John Hunter were involved in some project together as John Hunter paid for both Thomas‘s travel expenses from Glasgow and Marion‘s lodgings in Edinburgh for the first few days of April that year. The exact purpose of that expedition is not known but it is possible that one of the subjects that John Hunter and Thomas Reynolds may have discussed was the British budget of March 1825. In that budget, tariffs on most imports into Britain were slashed – for example, duties on wine from anywhere but France were halved – and this created many new opportunities for British importers. On 13 April 1825, which was the next time that John Hunter made contact with his sister, Marion is described as having gone to Porto.

It would seem that Thomas Reynolds had decided to make the change from an importer of goods into England to an exporter of goods to Britain. He had connections in different parts of Britain – John Hunter in Edinburgh, his old friend King was still in business in Chatham (27) and business acquaintances from his time in London – and if these connections were utilized he would have the basis of a prosperous business. Amongst the products that Thomas Reynolds had dealt with in Chatham was cork from Catalonia and corkwood – or unprocessed cork – from Portugal. He decided to move to Porto and to export produce from Portugal to Britain. The business in Chatham was sold to a Mr Pastor (or Parton) (28) and the family moved to Porto – although Thomas Reynolds seems to have continued managing the British side of the business as well as the Portuguese side. John Hunter‘s cashbook starts to show payments to Thomas Reynolds for cork, lemons, onions and oranges that he had sent to Scotland from Portugal. In return, Scottish coal was sent to Portugal.

Porto was, and still is, the second city of Portugal. When the Reynolds family arrived there the population of Porto was around 30,000 with the congested residential quarter confined to the steep slopes of the northern bank of the Douro River. The main export wealth of both the town, and Portugal, was the port wine maturing in the cellars on the easier slopes of the southern bank of the river in the suburb of Vila Nova de Gaia. There was a well-established community of British merchants in Porto, who were involved in the shipping of port wine to Britain. The wine exporters were, to a certain extent, an inward looking and self-sufficient community living in an environment that had been very hostile to them at times. During the eighteenth century, the British community in Porto had developed a justified sense of paranoia; the Office of the Inquisition had even encouraged the kidnapping of Protestant children over the age of seven so that they could be raised as Catholics. (29) In 1817 the British in Porto were finally given permission to erect a Protestant chapel – at several times in the past the Protestants had been told that they could only bury their dead below the high tide mark. That particular edict had been put in place to make sure that the bodies of Protestant heretics would never contaminate the soil of Catholic Portugal. The first Protestant chaplain in Porto, the Reverend Edward Whiteley, arrived in Porto in 1825 and he took on the dual posts of chaplain and schoolmaster to the British community. The social and commercial centre of the British community was the Factory House, which is still there in a street that was known as the Rua Nova dos Inglezes in the early years of the nineteenth century. The Factory House is a fine, but slightly incongruous, neo-classical building that was the brainchild of the British consul in Porto in 1786. It had taken many years to build and had been paid for by a levy on exports to Britain over a very long period. Because of they had paid for it over such a long time the long established wine firms felt that they had some claim to the ownership of the building. With end of the Napoleonic wars there was an influx of British firms into Porto and these new arrivals felt that they should be able to make use of the Factory House facilities. The old established companies reacted by forming a club under the title of =The British Association‘ and appropriating the use of the building to themselves. In 1824 some twenty of the newcomers petitioned the Foreign Secretary to allow them to make use of the building. (30) The incumbent merchants reacted with considerable anger to this suggestion and kept up a correspondence with the British authorities over the matter for next ten years, until the dispute was finally settled.

Thomas Reynolds‘s new business seems to have prospered. The land on the coast near Porto is well watered and it is possible to grow crops such as cork, oranges, lemons and onions for which there was a ready market in Britain. Thomas seems to have had some form of partnership with John Hunter at this time – John Hunter was paying his travel expenses as he travelled between London, Glasgow and Edinburgh marketing produce from Portugal. Thomas Reynolds was in Britain every two or three months or so; in November 1825 he even went so far as to lease a warehouse in Edinburgh to facilitate the operation of the business. (31) In August 1826, John Hunter put a deposit of £70 on a schooner, the Eliza, which he used to ship goods between Porto and Britain. Thomas Reynolds‘ business grew and, in March 1827, the value of transactions with John Hunter alone was over £200.

Marion Reynolds seems to have remained in Porto with her children while her husband was travelling back and forth. The last of Thomas and Marion‘s children, Eliza Hunter Reynolds, was baptized at the British Chapel in Porto on 7 March 1827. In November 1827, Marion received a legacy of £21/-/2¾d from the estate of her sister Elizabeth in Edinburgh. It would seem that both Marion and her oldest son Thomas junior – who was, by now, around sixteen years old – must have had at least 15

some part in managing the family business activities in Porto during Thomas Reynolds‘s frequent absences. However, by now they had some employees to help them. Two Gallegos, both of whom were to continue working for the Reynolds family for many years, started working for Thomas Reynolds at this time. One, who was always known as Tio Juanito, had actually been born in Cadiz but – because both his parents had originally come from Galicia – he was always considered a Gallego. The other, José do Porto, had come from the town of Tuy on the border between Galicia and Portugal. José‘s father had wanted José to become a priest but he had refused to follow that vocation and had run away from home. When Thomas found him, he was wandering the streets of Porto, destitute, and Thomas offered him a job a storeman. (32)

The business does not seem to have dealt in port wine to any great extent. When he arrived in Porto it may well have been Thomas Reynolds‘s intention to buy port wine, which would then be marketed in Edinburgh through John Hunter‘s business, but it was not easy for a newcomer to get hold of the best quality port. Established firms such as Croft or Warre had long standing connections with the Portuguese brokers who would spend a good deal of their time far up the river visiting the vineyards in the Alto Douro to secure the best wines for their English connections. This gave the established exporters an enormous advantage when it came to acquiring premium wines for export. (33) There is a small amount of wine listed in John Hunter‘s bills of lading but it would seem that this was a rough wine from the coastal region of Minho, a wine that is known as vinho verde, which is nowhere near as valuable as the premium port wines. However, there was increasing demand for cork, which the Reynolds family was supplying to cork cutters from Aberdeen to Dover. On the coastal hills to the south of Porto there are a few cork forests, and there are even more cork trees elsewhere in Portugal, and so Thomas Reynolds and his business became more involved in the cork industry as time went on.

 

CHATHAM:

(1) Reynolds, Janet A Family History April 2000 Lisbon pp 26-29 – (2) Henderson, James The Frigates 1970 London pp18-21 – (3) William Romão Reynolds The Wanderings and Doings of an English Family 1926 Estremoz in the possession of Madalena Azevedo Cruz of Estremoz - (4) Obituary William Hunter Reynolds Otago Daily Times 1 April 1899 – (59 Henderson, James The Frigates 1970 London pp87-89 – (6) Rodger, N A M The Command of the Sea 2004 London p381 – (7) Reynolds, Janet A Family History April 2000 Lisbon p38 – (8) Public Record Office, Kew. ADM 8/97 and ADM 8/98 show the disposition of naval ships in 1809. Thomas Reynolds was not a member of the crew of any of the four frigates – Ardent, Ariadne, Nymphen, Tartar – that were based in Leith in 1809. He may, however, been on board one of the other ships. – (9) William Romão Reynolds The Wanderings and Doings of an English Family 1926 Estremoz in the possession of Madalena Azevedo Cruz of Estremoz – (10) Statistical Account 1835 Compiled by the ministers of the various parishes of Scotland – (11) Devine, T M The Transformation of Rural Scotland Edinburgh 1994 p56 - (12) Spence, Catherine Helen Mr Hogarth's Will London 1865 p123 – (13) Devine, T M The Transformation of Rural Scotland Edinburgh 1994 p74-5 – (14) John Hunter's Ledger. He paid £7/19/- to become a burgess of Edinburgh on the 8th April 1807. CS96/1673 National Archives of Scotland – (15) Buchan J W & Paton H A History of Peebleshire 1925-27 Jackson, Wylie and Co. Glasgow – (16) Genealogical Notes compiled by Marsha Donaldson –(17) William Romão Reynolds The Wanderings and Doings of an English Family 1926 Estremoz in the possession of Madalena Azevedo Cruz of Estremoz Chapter 2nd –(18) John Hunter's Ledger p64, CS96/1973 National Archives of Scotland – (19) William Romão Reynolds The Wanderings and Doings of an English Family 1926 Estremoz in the possession of Madalena Azevedo Cruz of Estremoz Chapter 2nd – (20) Pigot's 1824 Directory of Kent – (21) Birth certificate cited in Os Reynolds em Portugal Alberto de Sousa Machado and João Carlos de Sousa, Estremoz 1970 – (22) Gardner, James The Faiths of the World Edinburgh 1850 – (23) Will of Robert Hunter, formerly of Woodhead 26 September 1821 National Archives of Scotland – (24) John Hunter's Cash Book 17/11/1819-11/6/1824 CS96/1601 National Archives of Scotland – (25) Charles Mackinlay & Co Ltd Outline document on company history (2000) Charles MacKinlay was indentured as a new apprentice by John Hunter in 1824 – (26) John Hunter's Cash Book 12/6/1824-2/5/1829 CS96/1602 National Archives of Scotland – (27) 1823 Piggott Directory of Kent lists King and Reynolds as merchants in Chatham – (28) William Romão Reynolds The Wanderings and Doings of an English Family 1926 Estremoz in the possession of Madalena Azevedo Cruz of Estremoz Chapter 2nd. Pigot's 1824 Kent Directory lists a Henry Parton as a grocer in Chatham High Street – (29) Shaw, L M E The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance and the English Merchants in Portugal 1654-1810 Aldershot 1998 pp172-80 – (30) Public Record Office, Kew FO 63/427 Oporto Factory House file. Thomas Reynolds was not one of the petitioners. – (31) John Hunter's Cash Book 12/6/1824-2/5/1829 CS96/1602 National Archives of Scotland. On the 21st of November Thomas Reynolds paid £2 for the lease of a warehouse in Edinburgh – (32) William Romão Reynolds The Wanderings and Doings of an English Family 1926 Estremoz in the possession of Madalena Azevedo Cruz of Estremoz Chapter 2nd – (33) Duguid, Paul The Bark of the Bourgeoisie Capitalists and Speculators in the Port Trade 1810-1840 Paper presented at the American Anthropological Association November 17 1999.

 

 

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CARISBROOK

 

 

Carisbrook:

“SE BUSCA SIRVIENTA”:

Se le necesita para hacer parte del trabajo doméstico y ayudar con los niños. - Una buena costurera sería mejor valorada. - Ninguna persona menor de 16 años será contratada. - Dirigirse a la Señora MCANDREW en Carisbrook.

(Anuncio publicado en Otago el 24 de junio de 1854)

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Desde 1853, James y Eliza Macandrew vivieron en la casa que habían construido en un valle aislado, al sur de la ciudad de Dunedin, que hoy es parte de la zona residencial de Caversham. - Llamaron a esta casa “Carisbrook” en recuerdo de la ciudad de Carisbrooke, en la Isla de Wight, donde habían pasado su luna de miel. - El primer niño que nació en Carisbrook fue Jane, el 26 de mayo 1854.

Por aquel tiempo, James se encontraba asistiendo al parlamento en Auckland, donde sufría bastante ansiedad, esperando noticias de su mujer, que había quedado confinada en su casa desde hacía tiempo. Así se lo escribió a Thomas Reynolds (hermano mayor de Eliza), el 16 de junio de 1854. - El segundo hijo nació en Carisbrook en 1855, pero murió siendo un bebé.

Parte de las primeras tierras que James Macandrew había comprado en Dunedin fue en esta zona, justo debajo de la colina conocida como “la cresta Monticello”.

En octubre de 1856 compró una zona adyacente de 30 acres (Unas 15 Hectáreas), y en 1858 compraron otros 30 acres más, que se añadieron a la misma finca. - La casa fue construida en tres niveles y, finalmente, tuvo un total de veinte habitaciones, que incluía una sala de imponentes artesonados, una amplia escalera, un gran salón de baile con un suelo acolchado, un pequeño cuarto, muy cómodo, justo al lado de la sala de estar, y dos grandes salas de recepción, flanqueadas por un invernadero de cristal. - Toda la finca se encontraba en un pequeño valle cubierto de matorrales, arbustos y bosque nativo, por lo que un posterior dueño le cambió el nombre por “The Glen” (La Cañada).

Con el nacimiento de otro hijo, al que bautizaron como James, el 31 de mayo de 1857, ya fueron cuatro en la familia.

1857 fue un año lleno de acontecimientos para la empresa “Macandrew & Co.” (Sociedad formada por James Macandrew y su cuñado William Reynolds) - Durante la mayor parte de ese año, James Macandrew se quedó como único responsable de la Macandrew & Co, pues William Reynolds dejó Dunedin para viajar a Londres el 10 de febrero, a fin de supervisar el contrato de inmigración provincial de la asociación.

Este fue también el año, en que una política agraria más liberal desató finalmente la esperada expansión de las fincas o granjas de ovejas, que hicieron crecer la Agricultura del pastoreo en Otago. - Desde el asentamiento fue creado en Otago, Mr. Cargill, y otros líderes de la comunidad habían tratado de promover otros asentamientos cerca de Dunedin, donde esperaban que se desarrollara una sociedad tejedora Presbiteriana, al igual que la que existía en la Baja Escocia. - En febrero de 1857, y con el fin de aprovechar toda esta actividad, “Macandrew & Co.” abrió una tienda en Invercargill, y enviaron a Southland al joven Thomas Reynolds, sobrino de William Reynolds, para que se hiciera cargo del negocio. La tienda de “Macandrew & Co.”, situada en 1 de “Dee Street”, fue el primero de los locales comerciales que se establecieron en la nueva ciudad de Invercargill. - Los primeros sectores de la ciudad de Invercargill se vendieron en una subasta celebrada en Dunedin, el día 20 de marzo 1857.

Durante varios años hubo mucha actividad especulativa en los arrendamientos de pastos en Canterbury y Marlborough, y muchos especuladores pudieron triplicar su capital en menos de tres años. - La apertura de las tierras de pastoreo en Otago permitió a los hombres de negocios de Dunedin participar en este juego especulativo. - Hubo una carrera inicial para reclamar la tierra, seguido de un período de consolidación - algunos cobrando sus ganancias, otro se establecieron como pastores, y otros descubrieron que estaban comprometidos en exceso y se vieron obligados a retirarse. - Macandrew fue uno de los muchos que participaron en esta actividad, como propietario de un comercio que incursionó en el sector inmobiliario, por lo que se vio involucrado en muchas de estas transacciones, en el curso normal de su trabajo. - A veces tuvieron algunos problemas para obtener el capital necesario para financiar estas especulaciones. El primer banco de Dunedin, el “Union Bank” de Australia, no se abrió hasta el día 1 de enero de 1857 y, aun así, hubo un gran número de restricciones sobre sus actividades de préstamo. Esto exigió una cierta cantidad de creatividad entre los especuladores, mientras trataban de consolidar sus ganancias. - Su principal problema era el costo y la disponibilidad de las tareas que tenían que cumplir, así como los requisitos de la Junta de Residuos y Tierras, antes de que se les concediera una licencia de pastoreo. Parece ser que James Macandrew se hizo cargo de esta gestión a finales de 1857, aunque la transferencia no fue sancionada oficialmente hasta el 23 de abril 1858. Decidió abastecerse de ganado, convenciendo a un vecino de la familia Macandrew en Caversham, Thomas MacGibbon, para proporcionar que le proporcionara algunas de las 150 reses que llevaron a pastar en el otoño de 1858. - MacGibbon ayudó a conducir el ganado al campo, pero no permaneció allí mucho tiempo. Ahora que la partida estaba equipada legalmente, Macandrew fue capaz de vender sus intereses en el contrato de arrendamiento. Lo hizo el 18 de junio de 1858, pero de alguna manera el ganado de MacGibbon se mantuvo en la partida.

James Macandrew compró otra partida el 31 de mayo 1859 y lo vendió el 4 de agosto 1859 a John Jones. En algún momento de este proceso, la familia MacGibbon se vio obligada a vender su ganado y decidieron contratar con el ferry Mataura. - James Macandrew y William Reynolds pusieron una fianza de 100 £ a nombre de los MacGibbon, para ayudarles a conseguir el contrato del ferry. - Algunas de las ofertas eran mucho más complicadas que el de la familia MacGibbon.

En mayo 1857 James Macandrew se hizo cargo de los activos de Alfred Fuller, que estaba al borde de la quiebra, con la condición de que una cierta suma debía pagarse a Nathaniel Chalmers para resolver el problema. Chalmers aceptó como pago, la entrega de un número de ovejas y, por diversas razones, la entrega final no se realizó hasta el 1 de marzo de 1860. Macandrew también garantizó que Chalmers no sería perjudicado económicamente. - Por otra parte, James Macandrew era conocido como un respetado anciano en la Iglesia Presbiteriana de Nueva Zelanda. - En 1857, la Iglesia Presbiteriana de Auckland estaba tratando de apadrinar misioneros a las Islas del Pacífico. Un anciano de la iglesia, Archibald Clark, escribió a James Macandrew en el 22 de noviembre 1857 pidiendo ayuda, y Macandrew se aseguró de que esta carta recibiera la debida publicidad en el Colono Otago. Sus simpatías con el carácter distintivo de los colonos presbiterianos fueron evidentes para todo el mundo. Otro campo en el que sus intereses coincidían con los de sus compañeros colonos estaba en su fuerte deseo de promover el desarrollo continuo de una Otago próspera.

A lo largo de 1857 James Macandrew había estado promoviendo los beneficios de un servicio de vapores en el Colono Otago y en las reuniones del Consejo Provincial. Él no era el único que estaba interesado en la mejora de las comunicaciones, ya que casi todos los negocios de Dunedin, si querían prosperar en el futuro, tendrían que convertir la ciudad en el centro comercial de todos los productos que venían de la nueva zona de pastoreo de Southland. Se necesitarían Vapores para dar un servicio mucho más fiable para los asentamientos dispersos a lo largo de la costa de Otago y Southland, y asegúrese de que el producto viajaría a Dunedin para que pudiera ser exportado a partir de allí. Si esto no ocurriera, otro centro, como Invercargill, pronto suplantaría a Dunedin. Gran parte del dinero que había sido necesario para la apertura de las tierras de pastoreo en Southland / Murihiku, se había dedicado a la inmigración de Otago. Esto había despertado cierto resentimiento entre los pobladores de Murihiku. A su juicio, el dinero que se había levantado de sus contratos de arrendamiento se debería utilizar en beneficio de su región y no se debería gastar en Dunedin.

El 29 de abril 1858 William Reynolds regresó a Dunedin de su viaje a Gran Bretaña. Encontró a James Macandrew de un humor excelente, pues la asociación de Macandrew & Co, se desarrollaba activamente y en expansión. El 25 de mayo, el Strathallan se convirtió en el primer barco cargado de productos de Otago y Dunedin, que partió directamente para Londres. Cargaron a bordo un total de 800 fardos de lana, y de estos, 499 fardos - un valor estimado de 13 123 libras - fueron suministradas por Macandrew & Co. También estaban importando carbón que era vendido en subastas regulares, así como el ganado. - La goleta “La Estrella” recorría toda la costa y también estaba disponible para su alquiler, y el barco, Gil Blas, estaba ocupado llevando madera de Kauri, desde Auckland para subastarse en Dunedin. Con el regreso de William Reynolds a Dunedin, James Macandrew pudo permitirse salir de Otago, y dedicarle más tiempo a otros intereses diferentes a los de Macandrew & Co. William permanecería en Dunedin para llevar el negocio y analizar cómo se habían desarrollado los asuntos durante el tiempo que él estuvo en el extranjero. - Macandrew & Co. fletó el barco “Strathfieldsaye” para enviar un cargamento de lana y avena a Melbourne. James Macandrew viajó a bordo con las mercancías, partiendo de Dunedin el día 16 de junio. Sin embargo, en Dunedin se creía que Macandrew se dirigía a Auckland para ayudar a Mr. Cargill en las batallas políticas que mantenía en las sesiones parlamentarias que habían comenzado el 10 de Abril. Poco después que James Macandrew dejara Dunedin, un armador australiano llegó a esta ciudad, ofreciendo al Consejo Provincial de Otago su barco de vapor, el Shandon, para realizar servicios costeros alrededor de Otago. Se necesitaría un subsidio de 1.000 £ por año, durante los siguientes cuatro años, pero, debido a que el Consejo no estaba en sesión, nadie estuvo en condiciones de tomar una decisión final acerca de este tipo de contrato. También sería necesario el apoyo del Superintendente Cargill. Todos los comerciantes, y los miembros del Consejo Provincial que se encontraba en Dunedin en aquel momento, elaboraron un documento de apoyo a dicha propuesta, a fin de que el propietario del buque no se fuera Dunedin, pensando que la comunidad empresarial no quería los servicios de su barco de vapor. Más tarde se supo que otros barcos a vapor se interesaban por el comercio de Otago. - En las columnas del diario “Melbourne Herald”, en julio de ese año, se anunció que una firma victoriana había comprado el vapor, “The Queen” (La Reina), que sería inmediatamente dedicado al comercio de Nueva Zelanda. Probablemente, la empresa “Clough & Co”, de Melbourne, había comprado la Reina, un vapor de 132 toneladas, con hélice auxiliar y un motor de 78 CV de potencia, que tenía capacidad para 30 carruajes y 50 pasajeros de tercera clase, dispuesto a comenzar un nuevo servicio en Nueva Zelanda.

En el Melbourne Herald se anunció que “La Reina” iba a llegar a Dunedin el 27 de agosto, para llevar pasajeros a Dunedin y a otros puertos de Nueva Zelanda. El 27 de agosto la Reina, con James Macandrew a bordo, se convirtió en el primer vapor en hacer todo el camino hasta el puerto de Otago de Dunedin. Fue recibida con una salva de veinte tiros del viejo cañón de Church Hill. - El periódico de Macandrew, el “Colono de Otago”, estaba muy entusiasmado con este evento y su editor sugirió que era “Un día que debe ser marcado con una piedra blanca en los anales de Otago”. William Cutten, escribiendo en el Colono de Otago del 28 de agosto, fue más cínico y sugirió que la Reina “Había llegado en un viaje de la especulación y en la búsqueda de empleo”. - El 3 de septiembre, la Reina hizo, en un corto plazo, el viaje a Bluff para demostrar lo útil que podía ser para la población de Dunedin. A principios de septiembre, Macandrew & Co. subastó caballos y yeguas que habían sido traídos de Australia a bordo de la Reina. En los siguientes días la población de Dunedin pudo conocer un poco mejor al barco “La Reina”, a su propietario y sus intenciones. En su camino desde Melbourne a Dunedin, la Reina había hecho escala en Wellington. Mientras estaban allí, Macandrew había ofrecido ejecutar un servicio entre Wellington y Melbourne, en asociación con la Clough & Co, de Melbourne. La Cámara de Comercio de Wellington fue convocada a una reunión especial para conocer los detalles de esta propuesta. Su primera oferta fue realizar un servicio entre Melbourne, Wellington, Lyttelton y Otago, que aportaría una subvención anual de 12.000 libras, de todas las colonias a las que se servía. - Uno de los pasajeros de la Reina, de Melbourne a Wellington, fue Dr. Evans, que ahora era el Post- Maestro General de Victoria. Debido a que había sido uno de los primeros colonos en Wellington, el Dr. Evans era bastante conocido en Wellington, y su opinión acerca de la viabilidad de un servicio a Melbourne, y las subvenciones que podrían estar disponibles, fueron muy valoradas. El Dr. Evans enfatizó que pensaba que era necesario un vapor oceánico, pero él pensaba que la Reina no era lo suficientemente grande como para ejecutar el servicio en todo el Tasman (Una zona situada al norte de la isla Sur) Esta información pronto fue de conocimiento público en Dunedin, ya que, el 11 de septiembre, el Colono de Otago reimprimió un informe sobre aquella reunión en Wellington.

El 8 de septiembre James Macandrew escribió a Cargill y le decía que era, de hecho, el dueño de la Reina y que estaba dispuesto a ejecutar, tanto un servicio costero, como un servicio por el Tasman. Y esta fue la primera vez que la propiedad real del vapor se había dado a conocer al público de Dunedin. Parece ser que el viaje de Macandrew a Melbourne en la Strathfieldsaye había tomado tres semanas y media de navegación en pleno invierno duro. Cuando llegaron, la Reina, que había sido contratada en un servicio regular a lo largo de la costa sur- occidental de Victoria, acababa de llegar al Mercado. Fue subastada seis días después de que Macandrew llegara a Melbourne, pero nadie la compró en aquella subasta, sino en negociaciones poco después. En respuesta a la nota de Macandrew, Cargill respondió que él opinaba que los vapores podrían ser de gran utilidad, pero no se comprometió a sí mismo, ni al Consejo, en proporcionar un subsidio para James Macandrew. - Antes de que James Macandrew pudiera obtener un compromiso en firme por parte de Cargill, un problema importante había surgido en sus asuntos financieros personales. William Reynolds, que había sido el único responsable de Macandrew & Co. durante los últimos tres meses, no estaba nada contento con algunas novedades que se habían producido en la empresa, mientras él estuvo en Londres. También es posible que Reynolds tuviese dudas sobre la viabilidad financiera de la empresa de los vapores, y el 10 de septiembre 1858, la Sociedad entre ellos fue disuelta.

 

Publicado en el “Colono de Otago”, el día 11 de septiembre de 1858.

 

Macandrew se hizo cargo de todas las deudas contraídas, y a su vez William Reynolds sacó su participación en el capital de la sociedad para perseguir otros intereses. En junio de 1859, la Reina tuvo que ser enviado a Sídney para reformar sus calderas, pero la reparación resultó ser más cara de que Macandrew había previsto, y se vio obligado a venderla por 6.750 libras. - El 25 de enero 1859 llegó a Dunedin el nuevo vapor de James Macandrew, el Pirata, al mando del Capitán Robertson. Macandrew celebró su llegada a Dunedin con salvas de cañón. Llevaba quince pasajeros y en la bodega unas 100 ovejas, 14 caballos, madera y otros productos. Cuatro días después de su llegada a Dunedin el Pirata fue abierto a la visita del público, y Macandrew suministraba a refrescos todos los visitantes. La idea de Macandrew era que el Pirata se utilizara para el servicio que hacía La Reina.

 

El vapor “The Pirate” (El pirata) en el puerto de Otago. Dibujo realizado por su capitán, Robertson, en 1860.

 

Luego, Macandrew compró el Oberon, el 23 de noviembre 1859. El Oberon llegó a Dunedin 3 de diciembre de 1859. Los motores de estos primeros vapores eran extremadamente primitivos y de gran consumo. - El Nelson, el vapor que había llevado a James Macandrew y los otros parlamentarios de nuevo a Dunedin, desde Auckland en 1854, era típico. El motor consistía en dos cilindros de baja presión de poco rendimiento y alto consumo. Los costes de operación y mantenimiento de estos primeros barcos de vapor eran muy altos. Sólo se podían utilizar en viajes cortos, ya que quemado tanto combustible, apenas quedaba espacio de carga en las bodegas, para otra cosa que no fuera el carbón. Por lo general, las calderas sólo duraban tres años antes de que tuvieran que ser cambiadas. - En un discurso en 1861 Macandrew afirmó que perdió un total de 15.000 £ en la Reina y 4.000 £ en el pirata.

La retirada de la gestión diaria del negocio de los vapores, permitió que Macandrew se centrase más en sus especulaciones ganaderas, dedicándose a la importación de ovejas de Australia y a venderlas cuando mejor convenía. - En los años 1858 y 1859 se hizo cargo de la Horse Shoe Bush, situada en el Valle de Clutha, de John Hyde Harris. Un gran número de corderos Merinos se reunían allí hasta que se aclimataban al clima Otago.

Con tanta dedicación a los negocios, James Macandrew pasaba mucho tiempo lejos de Eliza y su familia en Carisbrook. John Fleming, quien comenzó a trabajar como un mozo de caballos en Carisbrook en 1858, recordó suceso, ocurrido allí durante el invierno de 1859. Una sirvienta que tenía un dolor de muelas se despertó en medio de la noche y descubrió la casa en llamas, dando la alarma. Eliza organizó a todos los servidores en una brigada de cubos, y, gracias a que algunas zonas de Carisbrook estaban hechas de adobe, lograron sofocar el fuego con poco daño. Al día siguiente, el joven Colin Macandrew, que tenía solo nueve años, dijo a Fleming que tuvieron la suerte de que su padre había estado ausente aquella noche, pues con él habría habido más alboroto. James era muy inquieto y excitable.

 

Carisbrook, la casa familiar de James Macandrew y Eliza Reynolds.

Además de los barcos a vapor, James Macandrew tenía otros intereses en las subastas y en el comercio de ganado. William Cargill - el líder de la Comunidad de la Iglesia Libre, desde sus inicios - tenía ya unos setenta y cinco años y mostraba los signos normales de su edad. Un buen número de los colonos de Otago pensaba que era el momento de reemplazarlo con alguien que tuviera la visión de un Otago próspero, y la energía para llevar a la Comunidad a ese nuevo futuro brillante. - En agosto de 1859, John Jones dejó a un lado su rivalidad comercial con Macandrew y formó un comité de varios ciudadanos de Dunedin - que incluía a William Reynolds - para asegurar la Superintendencia de Macandrew. Al mismo tiempo, Macandrew vendió su negocio de las subastas a James Paterson & Co., y esto le dio más tiempo para concentrarse en los asuntos públicos. - El 25 de octubre de 1859 Cargill comunicó al Consejo de que había decidido retirarse, y Macandrew fue nombrado Superintendente interino hasta las elecciones. A partir de ese momento, la buena estrella de Macandrew cambió de signo.

A principios de 1860 el barco “Gala” procedente de Glasgow, llegó a Dunedin con más inmigrantes en cumplimiento parcial del contrato de inmigración que Macandrew & Co. habían tenido con el Consejo Provincial en 1857. Los propietarios del “Gala” habían escrito al Consejo Provincial de Otago exigiendo que la cuota de 1,712 £, fuera abonada en efectivo al capitán, en cuanto el barco llegara a Dunedin. - El 25 de febrero 1860, el Consejo Provincial Otago abonó dicha cuota, en forma de un cheque bancario, pero a la Compañía Macandrew & Co., porque eran los contratistas originales. James Macandrew firmó el recibo del dinero, pero John McGlashan, que era el Tesorero Provincial, necesitaba la firma de William Reynolds, y éste se negó, porque consideraba que el dinero no había sido pagado a los propietarios del Gala.

McGlashan reclamó de nuevo a James Macandrew, que solo había aportado el recibo con su firma. Por tanto, hubo un retraso antes de que el capitán recibiera el dinero exigido, y éste pidió un acta notarial reclamando el dinero que adeudaba Macandrew and Co. Al mismo tiempo otros acreedores de Macandrew comenzaron a presionarlo, por lo que se vio forzado a vender parte del ganado. Después tuvo que poner a la venta sus mejores tierras, para evitar demandas judiciales, pero el tiempo corría en su contra. - En julio de 1860, Macandrew puso a la venta 70 hectáreas al noreste de Harbour 3.000 £, con la intención de compensar parte de la deuda, pero no conseguía venderla de inmediato, y el 8 de agosto fue demandado. En poco tiempo tuvo que hacer una hipoteca con Alexander Anderson, el director del Banco Oriental. El 15 de agosto fue capaz de recaudar 3.000 £, hipotecando todo el suelo urbano, suburbano y rural, de su propiedad, pero en su prisa por recaudar el dinero que había puesto en el mercado, no tuvo en cuenta que una parte de aquellas tierras eran propiedad de la Fundación que se formó en 1851 como garantía del contrato matrimonial con Eliza Reynolds. Él había dispuesto que Anderson vendiera la tierra, pero el 15 de agosto, William Reynolds, como administrador de las capitulaciones matrimoniales de su hermana, intervino y detuvo el proceso de dicha venta. William Reynolds se vio obligado a desembolsar de 100 £ de su propio bolsillo, para llegar a un acuerdo extrajudicial con Anderson y revertir el proceso de venta. Pero ya era obvio para todos, que este pedazo de tierra estaba separado de cualquier otro activo de James Macandrew.

En 1861 William Reynolds fue capaz de vender esta tierra en nombre de Eliza, y parte del dinero fue invertido en una hipoteca, y el resto en el ganado que pastaban en el noreste de Harbour. Más tarde, también en agosto de 1860, RA Robinson y asociados, los constructores del Titán, presentaron en Londres una demanda contra la asociación de James Macandrew y Robert Jardín, por el dinero que aún se les debían por Garden. El importe en cuestión era la importante suma de 8,300 libras esterlinas y la fecha de liquidación era el 02 de noviembre 1860.

El 17 de noviembre Macandrew firmó un documento admitiendo que le debía a Chalmers la suma de 3677 £, y que haría arreglos para pagarle todo el 28 de enero 1861. - El 19 de diciembre, el Consejo Provincial envió una petición al Gobernador en Auckland pidiéndole que retirase a Macandrew de su cargo y nombrar a un comisionado para examinar los asuntos de la Diputación de Otago. Cuatro días más tarde, el Comité Especial informó al Consejo y dijo que había varios asuntos que el auditor necesitaría investigar más a fondo. Macandrew, sin embargo, decidió permanecer en el cargo hasta que llegara la respuesta del gobernador de Auckland. - James Macandrew dedicó las primeras tres semanas de enero a encontrar una manera de salir de sus problemas financieros personales. El sábado 26 de enero, publicó que asignaba todo su patrimonio personal a un fideicomiso, en beneficio de sus acreedores, y solicitaba a toda persona que le adeudara dinero a la empresa Macandrew & Co., que pagara todo lo adeudado, para que pudiera ser traspasado a sus acreedores.

Carisbrook, que fue descrita como una finca de 240 hectáreas, con una gran mansión en buen estado, fue puesta a la venta. Esta disposición ordenada de los activos de Macandrew, significaba que todos sus acreedores cobrarían sobre una base de prorrata, con lo cual, Nathaniel Chalmers podría no recibir la cantidad completa que Macandrew había acordado pagarle. - Por entonces, un acreedor podría poner a un deudor en la cárcel hasta que la deuda se pagara, Macandrew fue encarcelado, aunque solo seis horas, siendo enviado, después, a su vivienda en arresto domiciliario, y poco después pasó a una cárcel especialmente habilitada para deudores, mejor acondicionada que la prisión estatal. - Desde allí hizo campaña para presentarse a unas nuevas elecciones, con bastante apoyo popular. Macandrew escribió sus pensamientos y políticas, y utilizó a un apoderado para hacer sus discursos públicos. Las elecciones se celebraron el 17 de mayo y Macandrew recibido un buen apoyo de los pequeños agricultores de la llanura Taieri y Tokomairiro, pero muy pocos votos de la comunidad empresarial. Tampoco votaron por él ni su suegro ni sus cuñados (los Reynolds), y el resultado fue de 189 votos para Macandrew, 292 para Richardson, y 106 para McMaster.

El Consejo Provincial de Otago estaba dispuesto a emprender acciones legales contra Macandrew, pero el oficial de la Corona informó que James no era culpable de malversación de fondos. A James Macandrew nunca se le había confiado ningún dinero público, y no había puesto el dinero obtenido, de manera fraudulenta, por lo que el Consejo habría tenido dificultades para procesarlo con éxito. - El 27 de julio Macandrew pidió ser puesto en libertad. En su declaración formal ante el tribunal afirmó que él había tenido una pérdida de más de 40.000 libras esterlinas en 1860, la mayor parte de los cuales fueron las pérdidas que había sufrido al tratar de establecer el servicio de vapores. La venta forzosa de la Horse Shoe Bush, y la asociación de Macandrew con sus deudas asociadas, también habían contribuido a esta pérdida. Se estima que a finales de 1860 sus pasivos superaban a sus activos en 13.000 libras. - El juez rechazó su solicitud de libertad, citando su actitud irresponsable hacia los acreedores, pero el 8 de agosto, la mayoría de estos solicitaron al juez su liberación anticipada.

Eliza y sus hijos (ahora había cinco niños tras el nacimiento de Herbert el 17 de septiembre de 1859), se vieron obligados a buscar otro alojamiento, cuando el banco vendió la finca Carisbrook, en 1861.

El Sr. Bayley Pike la compró, pero parece ser que no tenía los recursos financieros para mantener una finca de este tamaño. Trató de revenderla, pero no pudo hasta principios de 1864. - En enero de 1864, John Bathgate, el director recién llegado del nuevo Banco de Otago, compró aquella finca, que ya estaba bastante abandonada.

 

ooooooOOOoooooo

 

 

Carisbrook:

SERVANT WANTED.

She will be require-ed to do part of the House work and assist with the children. A good needlewoman would be preferred. No one under 16 years of age need apply. Apply to MRS MACANDREW.

Carisbrook Otago Witness 24 June 1854

 

Ever since 1853(1) James and Eliza Macandrew had lived in a house that they had built in a secluded valley to the south of the town of Dunedin – in what is now part of the suburb of Caversham.(2)They named this house Carisbrook after the town of Carisbrooke on the Isle of Wight where they had spent their honeymoon.(3) The first child to be born at Carisbrook was Jane, who was born there on 26 May 1854. At that time James happened to be in Auckland attending parliament where, as he had written to Eliza‘s brother Thomas on 16 June 1854, he had been ‗in a considerable state of anxiety to hear from home as I expect my Eliza to have been confined some time ago.‘(4) Another son was born at Carisbrook in 1855 but he died while still an infant.(5) Some of the first land that James Macandrew had bought in Dunedin was in this area, just below the hill known as the Monticello ridge. An adjoining thirty acres was bought in October 1856, and yet another thirty acres was be added to the estate in 1858.(6) The house was built on three levels and eventually had a total of twenty rooms, which included an imposing panelled hall, a sweeping staircase, a large ballroom with a sprung floor, a ‗snuggery‘ just off the hall and two very large sitting or reception rooms flanked by a glass conservatory. The whole estate was in a small valley clothed in native bush, which led a later owner to rename it The Glen.(7) With the birth of another son, who was to be christened James, on 31 May 1857 Eliza and James‘s family now numbered four. 1857 was to be an eventful year for Macandrew and Co. For most of that year James Macandrew was left in sole charge of the partnership of Macandrew and Co as William Reynolds left Dunedin for London on 10 February to supervise the provincial immigration contract for the partnership. This was also the year in which a more liberal land policy finally unleashed the waiting sheep famers leading to a rapid expansion of pastoral farming in Otago. Ever since the Otago settlement was founded Cargill and the other leaders of the community had tried to encourage settlement close to Dunedin where they hoped a close-knit and Presbyterian society, much like that of Lowland Scotland, would develop. Further north, in Marlborough and Canterbury, the pastoral industry was expanding rapidly but in Otago the conditions imposed on the squatters by the 1855 Otago land regulations meant that hardly any new leases were being taken up. This meant that there was very little revenue going to the Council from pastoral leases.
In the December 1856 session of the Otago Provincial Council Cargill, the Superintendent, had announced a change in policy and proposed that the Waste Lands Board sell 600,000 acres in the Murihiku (Southland) at the lower price of 10/- per acre in order to raise money for the provincial government.(8) Large sums of money soon started to move into the Provincial Council coffers as runholders took up both this freehold land and the far larger area of pastoral leasehold land. In order to take advantage of all this activity Macandrew and Co opened a store in Invercargill in February 1857 and Eliza Macandrew‘s nephew, young Thomas Reynolds, was sent to Southland to manage it. The Macandrew and Co store at 1 Dee Street was the first commercial premises to be established in the new town of Invercargill.(9) The first town sections in Invercargill were sold at an auction in Dunedin on 20 March 1857.(10)
For several years there had been a good deal of speculative activity in pastoral leases in Canterbury and Marlborough and many speculators had been able to triple their capital in less than three years.(11) The opening up of the pastoral lands in Otago allowed the businessmen of Dunedin to join in this speculative game. There was an initial rush to lay claim to the land followed by a period of consolidation – some cashed in their gains, some settled down to the life of pastoralists while others discovered that they were overcommitted and were forced to retreat. Macandrew was one of the many who participated in this activity – as the proprietor of a trading house that dabbled in real estate he was involved in many such transactions in the normal course of his work. There were problems obtaining the capital that was needed to fund these speculations. The first bank to open in Dunedin, the Union Bank of Australia, did not open until 1 January 1857 and, even then, there a large number of restrictions upon its lending activities. This led to a certain amount of inventiveness amongst the speculators as they tried to consolidate their gains. Their main problem was the cost and availability of the stock that they needed to meet the Waste Lands Board‘s stocking requirements before they were granted a pastoral grazing license.
One example was the Otapiri run (run number 146) that was situated in the very isolated northwestern corner of the Hokonui Hills.(12) This run of 90,000 acres was first applied for in 1856. The first run holder soon found that he could not meet the stocking requirements and it was never formally gazetted. In June 1857 a second applicant applied for the land with a much lower stocking rate of only 1,680 sheep. He soon found that he could not meet this stocking requirement and he put it on the market at the end of 1857.
It seems James Macandrew took over this run late in 1857, although the transfer was not officially sanctioned until 23 April 1858. It was decided to stock the run with cattle and a neighbour of the Macandrew family in Caversham, Thomas MacGibbon, was persuaded to provide some of the 150 cattle that were taken to the run in the autumn of 1858 to meet the stocking requirement. MacGibbon helped to drive the cattle to the run but he did not stay there long. Now that the run was legally stocked Macandrew was able to sell his interest in the lease. He did this on 18 June 1858, but somehow the MacGibbon‘s cattle remained on the run. James Macandrew bought the run back again on 31 May 1859 and sold it for a second time on 4 August 1859 to John Jones. At some stage in this process the MacGibbon family were forced to sell their cattle and they decided to operate the Mataura ferry instead. James Macandrew and William Reynolds put up a bond of £100 on the MacGibbon‘s behalf to help them to get the ferry contract.(13)
Some of the deals were a lot more complicated than the one with the MacGibbon family. In May 1857 James Macandrew took over the assets of Alfred Fuller, who was on the verge of bankruptcy, with the proviso that a certain sum was to be paid to Nathaniel Chalmers to settle the deal. Chalmers decided to take his payment in the form of a number of sheep and, for various reasons, final delivery was not due to be made until 1 March 1860. Macandrew also guaranteed that Chalmers would not be financially worse off because of the fact that the deal with him was not the same as the one that he had originally agreed to with Fuller.(14)
The administration of these pastoral lands was in the charge of the Waste Lands Board. Macandrew, as well as being the Speaker of the Otago Provincial Council, was Chairman of the Waste Lands Board. This was a task which carried with it a multitude of political and personal problems. Alienation of unclaimed land to the pastoralists did not please the small farmers and politics consisted of the art of balancing the need for finance with the need to placate the electorate. And, in 1857, changes in the Cargill family‘s internal dynamics were to give Macandrew further troubles.
Early in 1857 Cargill decided to placate his son-in-law, William Cutten, who still happened to be the editor of the Otago Witness. The Witness regained the contract to print the official Otago Provincial Gazette, and by June 1857 Cutten had dropped some of his more enthusiastic attacks on Cargill‘s administration. In August Cutten was appointed to the paid post of Provincial Secretary.(15) But in helping his family Cargill had upset both Macandrew and the Reverend Burns. Macandrew, of course, condemned Cutten as being nothing better than a ―pensioner‖ of the government and started making attacks on any other members of Cargill‘s family who happened to be involved in the provincial administration.(16)
In 1857 the Commissioner of the Otago Waste Lands Board was Peter Proudfoot, but he died suddenly on 14 October 1857.(17) As Chairman of the Board Macandrew wanted to appoint someone of his liking to be the new Commissioner but under the regulations Cargill, as the Superintendent, had the final say in the matter. On 28 October he announced that William Cutten was going to be the new Commissioner. Ever since Proudfoot‘s death, rumours had been circulating around Dunedin concerning the money that had been in his care. James Macandrew as Proudfoot‘s executor refused to hand over the key to the office safe to Cutten because, it seems, he was afraid that there might be an embarrassing deficit in the office safe. During his final illness Proudfoot had been in the habit of transacting both public and private business in his house and there was a distinct possibility that there had been a mingling of the separate funds. Macandrew was obviously worried about the state of his friend‘s estate because he publicly stated that he would be made good any deficiencies that might be discovered. On 10 November Cargill appointed a Select Committee with sufficient powers to fully investigate the rumours and they quickly came to the conclusion that there was a deficiency of £1,200 in the office safe. Only £1,000 was found in the cash box in Proudfoot‘s house. The committee reported back on 16 November but because their conclusions differed from his, Macandrew thought that his personal reputation had been slurred. In December Macandrew wrote to the Governor saying that he had found the missing money – and to ask into which account did he want it to be paid.(18) Dr Thomas Hocken, the historian, later commented that ‗it seemed probable that the money chest was a convenient receptacle from which several had the opportunity of withdrawing a little money as occasion arose, to be honestly replaced of course. Any fault lay in detection.‘ Four months later when, supposedly, all the money had all been replaced there was still a deficit of nearly £100.
On the other hand James Macandrew was known as a respected elder in the Presbyterian Church throughout New Zealand. In 1857 the Presbyterian Church in Auckland was seeking to sponsor missionaries to the Pacific Islands. An elder in that church, Archibald Clark, wrote to James Macandrew on the 22nd of November 1857 asking for support.(19) Macandrew made sure that this letter received due publicity in the Otago Colonist. His sympathies with the underlying ethos of the Presbyterian settlers were evident for all to see. Another field in which his interests coincided with those of his fellow settlers was in his strong desire to promote the continuing development of a prosperous Otago. Throughout 1857 James Macandrew had been promoting the benefits of a steamship service in the Otago Colonist and at Provincial Council meetings. He was not the only one who was keen on improving communications as almost every single Dunedin businessman realised that if they wanted to prosper in the future Dunedin would have to become the commercial centre for the produce that was coming from the new pastoral frontier of Southland. Steamers would be needed to give a far more reliable service to the settlements scattered along the Southland and Otago coast and make sure that the produce travelled to Dunedin so that it could be exported from there. If this did not happen another centre, such as Invercargill, would soon supplant Dunedin. The provision of more reliable communications had been a regular item at Council meetings, with petitions to the Council on several occasions since 1855.(20) Early in 1858 the Otago Provincial Council decided to call for tenders for a coastal steamer service around Otago. The Council received no response to this plea before the province‘s leading politicians were due to head north to attend that year‘s session of Parliament in Auckland.
At the time Southland was threatening to secede from Otago and in March Superintendent Cargill left for Auckland to make sure that he had some input into the New Provinces Bill that was coming up in that year‘s session of the General Assembly. He was very worried that the province of Otago might be split in two as a result of the new law and he had decided to leave Dunedin well in advance of the session so that he could do some lobbying on Otago‘s behalf.(21) Much of the money that had been raised by the opening up the pastoral lands in Southland/Murihiku had been spent on immigration to Otago. This had arouses some resentment amongst of the settlers in Murihiku. They felt that the money that had been raised from their leases should be used for the benefit of their region and that it should not be spent around Dunedin. On 29 April 1858 William Reynolds arrived back in Dunedin from his trip to Britain. He found James Macandrew in an expansive mood and the partnership of Macandrew and Co was trading actively and expanding. On 25 May the Strathallan became the first ship laden with Otago produce to leave Dunedin bound directly for London.(22) There was a total of 800 bales of wool on board and of these 499 bales – worth an estimated £13,123 – were supplied by Macandrew and Co. They were also importing coal and at their regular auctions they were auctioning the coal as well as cattle.(23) Their schooner the Star was trading up and down the coast and was available for charter as well. Their ship, the Gil Blas, was busy bringing Kauri timber from Auckland for auction in Dunedin.
With William‘s return to Dunedin James Macandrew was now able to leave Otago to devote time to interests other than those of Macandrew and Co. William would be able to stay in Dunedin to look after the firm and find out how the business had developed while he had been abroad. In June Macandrew and Co chartered the Strathfieldsaye to carry a cargo of wool and oats to Melbourne (24) and James Macandrew was on board her when she left Dunedin on 16 June.(25) In Dunedin it was thought that Macandrew was headed for Auckland where he would be able to help Cargill with the political battles in the parliamentary session that had started on 10 April.(26) Soon after James Macandrew left Dunedin an Australian ship owner arrived in Dunedin and offered his steamer, the Shandon, to the Otago Provincial Council for a coastal service around Otago. He would need a subsidy of £1000 per year for four years but, because the Council was not in session, no one was in a position to make a final decision about such a contract. All the merchants, and the members of the Provincial Council who happened to be in Dunedin at the time, drew up a document supporting this proposal so that the ship owner would not leave Dunedin with the impression that the business community did not want a steamer service. The support of Superintendent Cargill would also be needed to make sure the proposal went ahead.
However, it soon seemed that there were some other steam ships that could be interested in the Otago trade. In the shipping columns of the Melbourne Herald in July that year there was an announcement that a Victorian firm had purchased the steamer Queen and that she would ‗immediately be placed in the New Zealand trade.‘ At the time it seemed as though the Melbourne firm of Clough & Co had bought the Queen, an auxiliary screw steamer of 132 tons with a 78 horsepower engine that was capable of carrying thirty saloon and fifty steerage passengers, with the idea of starting a service to New Zealand.(27) In the Melbourne Herald it was announced that the Queen would be arriving in Dunedin on 27 August and that she would be taking passengers to Dunedin and other New Zealand ports. On 27 August the Queen, with James Macandrew on board, became the first steamer to steam all the way up Otago harbour to Dunedin. She was welcomed with a salvo of twenty shots from the old cannon on Church Hill. Macandrew‘s newspaper, the Otago Colonist, was very excited about this event and its editor suggested that it was ‗a day that should be marked with a white stone in the annals of Otago.‘ William Cutten, writing in the Otago Witness of 28 August, was more cynical and he suggested that the ‗Queen had come on a voyage of speculation and in search of employment, but what may be the proposals of her owner we do not know.‘ On 3 September the Queen made a short run to Bluff to demonstrate how useful she could be to the people of Dunedin. Early in September Macandrew and Co auctioned horses and mares that had been brought over from Australia on board the Queen. Over the next few days the people of Dunedin were able to find out a little more about the Queen, her owner and his intentions. On her way from Melbourne to Dunedin the Queen had called in at Wellington. While she was there Macandrew had offered to run a service between Wellington and Melbourne in association with Clough & Co of Melbourne. A special meeting of the Wellington Chamber of Commerce had been called to hear the details of this proposition. His first proposal was that he would run a service between Melbourne, Wellington, Lyttelton and Otago, which would attract an annual subsidy of £12,000 from all the colonies that it served. Another suggestion that he made was that the Queen should only get a subsidy from Wellington and Melbourne at the beginning with any further negotiations with Canterbury and Otago being left in his hands.One of the passengers on the Queen from Melbourne to Wellington happened to be Dr Evans who was now the Victorian Post-Master General. Because he had been one of the earliest settlers Wellington Dr Evans was well known to many people in Wellington and his opinion about the feasibility of a service to Melbourne, and the subsidies that might be available, was eagerly sought after.

 

In Otago Witness 11th September 1858.

Dr Evans emphasised that he thought that an ocean going steamer was needed and it seems that he did not think that the Queen was large enough to run the service across the Tasman.(28) This information soon became common knowledge in Dunedin because, on 11 September, the Otago Witness reprinted a report on the meeting in Wellington.
On 8 September James Macandrew wrote to Cargill telling him that it was, in fact, he who owned the Queen and that he was prepared to run both a coastal service and a trans Tasman service. This was the first time that the actual ownership of the steamer had become known to the public of Dunedin. It seems that Macandrew‘s voyage to Melbourne on the Strathfieldsaye had taken three and a half weeks of rough midwinter sailing. When he had arrived there the Queen, which had been engaged on a regular service along the south-western coast of Victoria, had just come onto the market.(29) She was auctioned six days after Macandrew arrived in Melbourne and he had either bought her at the auction or at negotiations soon afterwards. In response to Macandrew‘s note Cargill replied that he could see that steamers would be of considerable benefit but he would not commit himself, or the Council, to providing a subsidy for James Macandrew.(30)
Before James Macandrew could obtain a firm commitment from Cargill a major problem cropped up in his personal financial affairs. William Reynolds had been in sole charge of Macandrew and Co for the last three months and he does not seem to have been very happy about some developments that had occurred in the business while he had been in London. It also seems possible that Reynolds may have had doubts about the financial viability of the steamer enterprise and on 10 September 1858 the partnership between James Macandrew and William Reynolds was dissolved.(31) Macandrew took over all debts owed to, and owed by, the partnership while William Reynolds took out his share of the partnership‘s capital to pursue other interests.
Before the Queen left New Zealand again Macandrew had to make sure that he got a subsidy from the Otago Provincial Council for any service that she might run. Once the Queen had returned from Bluff he announced that she would be heading back to Melbourne on 15 September. The supporters of a steamship service then organised a public meeting for the evening of 11 September to ask the Council to try and retain the services of the Queen.(32) Even though the meeting was called at short notice a large crowd managed to gather in the Court House to move and pass motions asking the Otago Provincial Council to subsidise a steamer service between Dunedin and Melbourne.
One of the main worries that many Dunedin merchants had was the lack of regular mail and commercial information and it would seem that they thought a steamer service would give Dunedin access to more markets. William Reynolds was one of the speakers who thought that they should not break the agreement that had been made with the owner of the Shandon two months earlier. With Macandrew‘s deadline looming, and the thought that Dunedin would be left isolated from the commercial life of New Zealand, the crowd noisily passed a resolution demanding a subsidy from the provincial government. The Chairman of the meeting sent a copy of the resolution to William Cargill who replied in a very cautious manner but he did not promise any subsidy.
On the return voyage to Melbourne Macandrew called into Wellington again, but he was unable to get Dr Isaac Featherston, the Superintendent of Wellington, to budge from his earlier refusal to arrange a contract with him or the Victorian authorities. There were even problems with the weather when they left Wellington, because it took three attempts before the Queen was able to conquer the Cook Strait blusters and make her way to Melbourne.(33) The Victorian assembly was also in no mood to help and so Otago remained the only possible source of subsidy for the Queen. While he away from Dunedin Macandrew continued to boost his schemes with a letter writing campaign in the Otago Colonist. In one letter that was published in that paper on 9 October 1858 he stated that: ‗next to Christianity, it [commerce] was the most powerful instrument in promoting the happiness of the human race.‘ His supporters organised more meetings in the outlying country districts where even more motions were passed begging the Council to award a subsidy for a steamer service. Macandrew and the Queen returned to Dunedin on 1 November. While he had been away there had been further debate about the expense of subsidising a steamer service. Because the coal for fuel had to be imported into New Zealand from Australia the steamer services in the other provinces required huge subsidies, for example the service between Auckland and Sydney needed £6,000 per year. A search was made for local sources of coal and it seemed that coal from near the mouth of the Clutha could be used. The steamer White Swan had been able to test some of this coal in October, but before this coal could be used on a full time basis the provincial council would have to lay out some capital to develop the coal mine.(34) The provincial council had placed £3,500 on the estimates to subsidise steam navigation but this sum was supposed to cover both the coastal and the trans Tasman services. On 5 November the provincial council had a long debate about the trans Tasman service and finally awarded Macandrew a contract to run over two years with a subsidy of £4,000 per year, provided he ran a monthly service between Dunedin, Invercargill and Melbourne.
However, in order to run a service between Otago and Melbourne Macandrew needed a bigger vessel than the Queen and so he went back to Melbourne on the Queen and chartered the 285-ton Pirate. Macandrew was not able to wait in Melbourne in order to make a triumphal return to Dunedin on board his new boat as he had some urgent political business to attend to. Because he had been in Melbourne over the winter looking at steamships he had not managed to get to Auckland to attend any part of the 1858 parliamentary session. It seems that he had not asked any of his fellow Members of Parliament to apply for leave of absence on his behalf, and on 2 November he had been forced to resign his seat. Nominations for the by-election closed on 12 January and he managed to get back to Dunedin on the little Queen with just twelve days to spare before the deadline for nominations closed. A meeting was held at the Mechanic‘s Institute on 12 January to call for nominations and three candidates put their names forward. In his speech to the meeting Macandrew mentioned the fact that ‗out of all the members who had been absent from that session, he alone had forfeited his seat.‘ He put this down to his independence of mind and the fact that he had not asked a friend to seek leave of absence for him. He also thought that ‗steam was essential to the development of the colony (35) and that the time he had spent in Australia arranging for a steamer service was of considerable benefit to Otago.

 

The steamer Pirate in Otago Harbour in 1860 as painted by her captain, Captain Robertson OESM


The election was held on 14 January and Macandrew won handsomely. One of the other candidates had withdrawn during the run up to the election and Macandrew received 40 out of the 43 votes that were cast. William Cutten‘s scathing opinion, which he printed as an editorial in the Otago Witness, was that ‗it would have been more desirable that Mr Macandrew should not have been elected.‘ On 25 January 1859 Macandrew‘s new steamer, the Pirate, steamed into the harbour under the command of Captain Robertson. Macandrew celebrated her arrival in Dunedin by firing yet another salute. She carried fifteen passengers and in the hold were 100 sheep, 14 horses, timber and other goods. Four days after she arrived in Dunedin the Pirate was thrown open for public inspection and Macandrew supplied all visitors to the ship with free refreshments. Macandrew‘s idea was that the Pirate would be used for the Melbourne service instead of the Queen and Cargill, although suspicious of the substitution, had to agree to it because the Pirate was a much better ship for the trans Tasman service. But the Queen was now surplus to requirements and Macandrew had to find something worthwhile to do with her. John Jones had managed to obtain the subsidy from the provincial government to run a coastal service and the Provincial Council was unlikely to offer anyone else a subsidy for the same service. At first Macandrew applied for a subsidy of £700 a year for a steamer service within Otago Harbour. When this did not eventuate he started a twice-monthly service from Dunedin to Lyttelton and Wellington.(36)
In April 1859 Macandrew bought the Pride of the Yarra in Melbourne for around £2,250.(37) This was a 25-ton steamer that had been used on the river between Melbourne and the Botanical Gardens. It was cut in two and carried as deck cargo on the Pirate to Dunedin where it was reassembled. The furnace was half rotten and the boiler encrusted with salt so the repairs took a lot more time to complete than planned. She finally entered harbour service (under the short-lived name of New Era) on 1 June 1859.(38) The repairs proved to be problematical. Soon after she started regular services her boilerplates collapsed, dowsing the fire and the ferry drifted onto Grassy Point where she beached on a sand bank.(39) By good luck, rather than good management, there was no loss of life. The next incident was not so fortunate. Late one night in August 1859 a drunken passenger fell overboard and drowned.(40) The jury at the inquest suggested that all the harbour ferries should have a small boat attached so that they could rescue people who had fallen over the side. Unfortunately for Macandrew, while the New Era was being got ready for the harbour trade a competitor established a competing service on the harbour and she did not make as much money as Macandrew had hoped for.
In June 1859 the Queen had to be taken off her coastal run and sent to Sydney to have her boilers refurbished. A replacement ship had to be organised. The repairs to the Queen proved to be far more expensive than Macandrew had anticipated and he was forced to sell her for £6,750. At one stage it was reported that he had bought the Oberon as a replacement for the Queen but the register makes it clear that it was Frederick Greer (the manager of Macandrew and Co during Macandrew‘s frequent absences) (41) who bought the Oberon on 23 November 1859. The Oberon arrived in Dunedin on 3 December 1859 and, a short while later, it was announced that Greer had bought Macandrew‘s other shipping interests – the steamers Pirate and Pride of the Yarra, and the barge Bon Accord. The engines of these early steamers were extremely primitive and wasteful. The Nelson, the steamer that had brought James Macandrew and the other parliamentarians back to Dunedin from Auckland in 1854, was typical. The engine consisted of two low-pressure cylinders exhausting into a ―jet condenser,‖ an iron chamber into which a spray of water was pumped. This waste of condensed steam and low boiler pressures meant that the operating costs of these early steamers were very high.(42) They could only be used on short voyages because they burnt so much coal. There was no room in the holds for a worthwhile cargo after sufficient coal for a long voyage had been loaded on board. Usually the boilers would only last three years before they had to be completely refurbished and the British Navy estimated the running costs of a steamer of this size at about £6,000 per year.43 In a speech in 1861 Macandrew claimed that he lost a total of £15,000 on the Queen and £4,000 on the Pirate. Withdrawal from day to day management of the steamer interests allowed Macandrew to focus more of his energies upon his pastoral speculations. Part of this involved the importation of sheep from Australia and onselling them when that was worthwhile. In either 1858 or 1859 he took over the Horse Shoe Bush run in the Clutha Valley from John Hyde Harris. Large numbers of Merinos were held there until they had acclimatised to the Otago climate. The sheep returns for 30 September 1860 show that there were 3,350 of them on the run at that point. (44) As might be expected, the Merinos did not thrive on these damp and swampy pastures in the Clutha lowlands.
The management of these far flung interests meant that Macandrew spent a good deal of time away from Eliza and his family at Carisbrook. John Fleming, who started working as a groom at Carisbrook in 1858, remembered a minor alarm there during the winter of 1859.(45) A servant girl with a toothache woke up in the middle of the night and discovered the house on fire. Eliza organised all the servants into a bucket brigade and – because some parts of Carisbrook were made of sun-dried brick – they managed to quell the fire with little damage. The next day young Colin Macandrew – who was nine years old at the time – told Fleming that it was fortunate that his father had been away that night as ‗there would have been such a fuss. He‘s so fidgety and excitable.‘ (description by Eliza Macandrew of fighting the fire in Otago Colonist of 26 August 1859 check)
However, James Macandrew had other interests besides the steamers and his mercantile business. William Cargill – the leader of the Free Church settlement since its inception – was by now some seventy-five years old and showing signs of his age. A good number of the Otago settlers thought that it was time to replace him with someone with both the vision of a prosperous Otago, and the energy to lead the community to that bright new future. In August 1859 John Jones put aside his commercial rivalry with Macandrew and formed a committee of several Dunedin citizens – which included William Reynolds – to secure the Superintendency for Macandrew.(46) At the same time Macandrew sold his store and auction business to James Paterson and Co and this gave him more time to concentrate on public affairs.(47) It would seem that before long Cargill noticed the murmurs of discontent and on 25 October 1859 he told the Council that he had decided to retire. Macandrew was appointed acting Superintendent until the elections.
No one opposed him for the post of Superintendent at the elections in early January 1860 but this did not prevent him making extravagant promises to the electorate. The grand total for all his promises of what he would do once he became Superintendent came to £100,000 of new spending on various public works in the province.(48) In the meantime he continued with the rationalisation of his personal business affairs. The general mercantile business had gone to Paterson and the shipping business had gone to Frederick Greer, which left just the wool broking and pastoral real estate businesses with James Macandrew. This still left a few opportunities for speculation in real estate as Macandrew held the title on various blocks in the course of transacting the different deals. On 27 January he formalised the situation with regard to the steamer contract to Melbourne by asking the Council to transfer it to Greer.(49) The contract was made over to Greer but when the original contracted term of two years ran out in December 1860 it was not extended and Greer ran into financial difficulties almost at once.(50) The new council met for the first time in April 1860 and the policies that Macandrew presented to the council were more considered than those that had been promoted on the hustings but he was still keen to spend over £50,000 on immigration to help settle and develop the country. This exuberance was, to a certain extent, justified. At long last large-scale pastoralism had taken off in Otago and both the numbers of sheep and the value of the wool clip were growing rapidly. The provincial coffers were full because of the large area of land that had been sold and Macandrew‘s imagination was full of the most grandiose plans.
In August that year the Ngai Tahu chief John Topi wrote to the Governor in Auckland offering to sell the western portion of Stewart Island to the government. This letter took some time to reach Auckland and, as the central government did not have enough money to buy the land, the Governor forwarded the letter to Macandrew.(51) He reacted with enthusiasm as the provincial coffers were full from the previous year‘s land sales but two problems prevented a successful conclusion to the deal with John Topi. Most of the land sales that had so benefited the Otago Provincial Council funds had been in the Southland area and the settlers there thought that they had not been seeing any benefit from the money raised in their district. They had voted to secede from Otago on 1 April 1860 and the new province was proclaimed in March 1861. Stewart Island was, of course, part of the new Southland Province.

 

Carisbrook House


The second problem was James Macandrew‘s personal circumstances. A good deal of the speculative activity with which he was involved with was funded by the equivalent of post-dated cheques but sometimes, in order to keep up the confidence of the people with whom he was dealing, he had to find some extra cash in a hurry. Macandrew became more and more ingenious in ensuring that he had sufficient cash on hand.
Early in 1860 the immigrant ship Gala arrived in Dunedin from Glasgow in partial fulfilment of the immigration contract that Macandrew and Co had had with the Provincial Council since 1857.(52) The owners of the Gala had written to the Otago Provincial Council asking for their fee of £1712 to be paid over in cash to the captain as soon as the boat arrived in Dunedin. On 25 February 1860 the Otago Provincial Council paid the money, in the form of a bank draft, over to Macandrew and Co because they were the original contractors. James Macandrew signed the receipt for the money. John McGlashan, who was the Provincial Treasurer, should have obtained William Reynolds‘ signature as well as Macandrew‘s but when McGlashan approached him to obtain his signature on the receipt the receipt he refused, as he did not believe that the money had been sent to the owners of the Gala (in fact the draft had been sent to Melbourne to be cashed). McGlashan approached James Macandrew again, who then gave him a receipt with his signature alone. There was some delay before the captain received the money that was due to him and he had to obtain a Power of Attorney in order to exact the money owed by Macandrew and Co.
On several occasions in the past James Macandrew had borrowed money from McGlashan‘s private funds. By chance, on 10 March 1860 McGlashan happened to walk in on Macandrew as he was talking to John Jones in Jones‘ office. Macandrew appeared to be flustered and when he came out of the room he told the McGlashan that he was just settling a transaction worth some £9,000 with Jones but he needed the small sum of £600 to tide him over until tomorrow. Rather foolishly McGlashan gave him the money from the Provincial Council‘s petty cash. The money was not repaid the next day, and Macandrew made some excuses and put off the repayment until later. A deal with Nathaniel Chalmers dating from 1857, in which Macandrew had promised to deliver 1600 sheep to Chalmers in March 1860, also required attention. On 20 April the promise to deliver the sheep was annulled and Macandrew offered, instead, to pay Chalmers by a Bill of Exchange for £3,000 which would not be due until the sheep were shorn in July.(53)
After much prompting by James Lewis, the mine operator of the coalfield near the Clutha River, the Otago Provincial Council had decided to buy some rails for a railway line from the mine to a jetty. Lewis thought that a ship‘s captain who was travelling to Britain should be able to handle the order but the Council decided to deal through James Paterson.(54) On 7 May 1860 Macandrew issued a warrant for the payment of £1000 to Paterson & Co. He obtained a receipt from Paterson on the understanding that he would remit the money to England as soon as possible. It seems that Macandrew waited until at least July before he made any effort to do this and the money remained in Macandrew‘s bank account, providing him with urgently needed liquidity in the meantime. Paterson assumed that the money had been remitted so he sent the order for railway materials on to the supplier in Britain. By now McGlashan was now getting worried about the cash that he had lent Macandrew in March. At the end of June there was a deficiency in the Provincial Council petty cash accounts of £1,251 and unless this shortfall was made up immediately it would be picked up in the audit and he would have to answer some very serious questions from the auditor. Macandrew was not responsible for all the outstanding money but his debt was a substantial proportion of the amount owing. McGlashan seems to have told James Macandrew that he would like all deficiencies to be made good by 30 September 1860, which was the next quarterly balance date. At the same time some of Macandrew‘s other creditors started to put more pressure on him. On 30 July, when the sheep had been shorn, Nathaniel Chalmers presented Macandrew‘s Bill of Exchange for £3,000 to the Union Bank of Australia but the bank refused to honour it. His next call was to the Court where he filed a suit against Macandrew for a total of £3,677/14/11 – a generous amount for his costs being included in the suit – to make sure that he received the money that Macandrew owed him according to the agreement that they had come to in April.(55) In July Macandrew put seventy acres at North East Harbour on the market for £3,000 in an attempt to raise this money.(56) The land did not sell immediately and on 8 August he decided to stall Chalmers by counter suing him, claiming that he had not received any consideration for the Bill of Exchange.(57) Unfortunately this tactic was not going to delay the inevitable for any great length of time and before long he had to arrange a mortgage with Alexander Anderson, the manager of the Oriental Bank. On 15 August he was able to raise £3,000 by mortgaging all the urban, suburban and rural land that he owned.(58) Now that he had some cash in hand he was able to write a reassuring letter to Treasurer McGlashan. My Dear Sir, I regret exceedingly that you should be much annoyed about that little matter. The Oriental has promised to put me in funds, but I cannot well press them for it, before they open, although Anderson told me he would meet my views as soon as he can get at the necessary documents from his boxes. I expect to see him every day – in any case I cannot be put off any longer than the opening day of the Bank. You can do nothing in the way of auditing your account for a day, or possibly two or three, and by the time the auditors are with you, you may rely upon my doing the needful. Yours truly J. M.
He managed to pay the Treasurer £970 on 24 September. But in his rush to raise money he had put on the market a section of land that was owned by the Trust formed in 1851 to guarantee Eliza Macandrew‘s Marriage Settlement. He had arranged for Anderson to sell the land but on 15 August William Reynolds, as the trustee of the Marriage Settlement, stepped in and halted the sale process. William Reynolds was forced to outlay £100 from his own pocket to arrive at an out of court agreement with Anderson and reverse the sale procedure. But it was now obvious to everyone that this particular piece of land was separate from any other assets that James Macandrew owned as sole proprietor. In 1861 William Reynolds was able to sell this land on Eliza‘s behalf and some of the money was invested in a mortgage and the remainder in cattle that were grazed at North East Harbour.(59)
Troubles, of course, never arrive singly. In August 1860 R A Robinson and partners, the builders of the Titan, filed a suit in London against the partnership of James Macandrew and Robert Garden for some money that they were still owed by Garden. (60) It would seem that the partnership was still legally alive and that Garden was either unable or unwilling to pay. Robinson and company had decided to pursue Macandrew instead. The amount involved was the substantial sum of £8,30061and the settlement date was 2 November 1860 in London.
By the middle of November Macandrew‘s counter suit against Chalmers had run its course in the Dunedin courts. On 17 November Macandrew signed a document admitting that he owed Chalmers the entire sum of £3,677/14/11 and that he would make arrangements to pay all the money over to him on 28 January 1861.(62) It would seem that other creditors were still putting pressure on James Macandrew because he was forced to raise more money in December by borrowing from both William Reynolds and Arthur Morris, and giving both of them Promissory Notes in return – which they immediately asked the bank to guarantee.(63) At the meeting of the Otago Provincial Council on 12 December Macandrew suggested, with his usual flamboyance, that the council develop the harbour to make Otago ‗the head-quarters of the great highways of the Pacific.‘ However, in the closing sentence of his address, he spoke of his immediate withdrawal from public affairs in order to attend to his private business affairs. For some time rumours had been circulating around Dunedin about misuse of the provincial funds and in September Macandrew had refused to act on the auditor‘s call for urgent action over the administration of these funds. However, in December the provincial auditor‘s report was presented to the Council and a Select Committee was appointed to investigate the public accounts. On 19 December the Provincial Council sent a request to the Governor in Auckland asking him to remove Macandrew from office and to appoint a commissioner to examine the affairs of the Otago Provincial Council. Four days later the Select Committee reported back to the Council and stated that there were three matters — the Gala contract, the railway material for the coalfields, and the provincial petty cash — that the auditor would need to investigate further. Macandrew, however, decided to remain in office until the Governor‘s reply arrived from Auckland.
Macandrew devoted the first three weeks of January to finding a way out of his personal financial difficulties. It would seem that he preferred an orderly rearrangement of his affairs, which might allow him to salvage something at least from the situation, and in the Otago Witness of Saturday the 26th of January he published a public notice assigning all his personal estate to a trust for the benefit of his creditors. Anyone owing money to the firm of ‗James Macandrew & Co.‘ was asked to pay all the money that they owed the firm so that it could be passed on to his creditors. Carisbrook – which was described as an estate of 240 acres with a large mansion house in good repair – was placed on the market.(64)
However, an orderly disposal of Macandrew‘s assets would mean that all his creditors would be paid on a pro rata basis. When Macandrew‘s estate was finally settled Nathaniel Chalmers might not receive the full sum that Macandrew had agreed to pay him. Back in November Macandrew had agreed to settle his whole debt with Chalmers on Monday the 28th of January but this new reshuffling of his finances would threaten this arrangement. By now Chalmers had obtained a debt of judgement against Macandrew for the entire £3,677/14/11 and when Macandrew was unable to repay this sum in full on the due date he was arrested.(65) At that time a creditor could put a debtor in jail until the debt was paid off – even William Monson, son of the gaoler Henry Monson, had only just escaped being sent to his father‘s jail for bankruptcy in 1860.(66) Macandrew was taken to the gaol but at eleven o‘clock that night, when he had been in jail for only six hours; he approached Henry Monson with the following letter: Sir, In consequence of the overcrowded state at the gaol and the want of suitable accommodation for debtors, I, as Superintendent of the Province of Otago and Visiting Justice of the gaol in Dunedin, hereby authorise and require you to remove James Macandrew, a debtor in your custody, to Carisbrook House within your jurisdiction which I have this day by proclamation declared a Prison of the Province of Otago. Dated the twenty eighth day of January 1861 (signed) James Macandrew, Superintendent of Otago He returned home to Carisbrook House that night under escort. Monson asked Charles Hunter, the turnkey, to keep a close eye on Macandrew to make sure that he did not flee.(67) The next day Chalmers‘ lawyer called on Monson to deliver a formal warning in case Macandrew escaped. This was the same lawyer who had threatened Monson in the case of his son‘s bankruptcy so Monson was very careful to make sure that his own position was properly safeguarded.(68) He decided that he would have to appoint an assistant keeper to go to the newly declared Carisbrook Gaol to make sure that Macandrew would not be able to escape custody. The only person who could authorize the appointment of extra staff was Macandrew so Monson was forced to write to Macandrew asking ‗may it please your Honor to give me additional assistance on my Staff in order to appease the public mind.‘ Monson was very worried in case there was ‗a charge of collusion between your Honor and myself.‘ (69) The next problem that Macandrew faced was the possible arrival of another gentleman debtor to join him in his quarters at Carisbrook. The former storekeeper at Moeraki – an old boy of Westminster School – was also in jail over his debts. Monson had allowed him the use the jailer‘s private quarters in the jailhouse so that he did not have to share a cell with the common criminals but this solution was obviously unsatisfactory. Alternative accommodation would have to be found for the storekeeper so Macandrew wrote to the provincial Executive asking them to sanction his declaration that some other building could be turned into accommodation for debtors. It would seem that he was thinking of the incomplete section of a new stone house being built next to the jail.(70)
In the meantime, however, Monson had decided to get a definitive ruling from a higher authority on this tricky situation and he had written to the Governor in Auckland about the unusual goings on. The reply, from Governor Gore Browne, did not arrive in Dunedin until 21 March. In his reply, which was dated 6 March,(71) the Governor annulled Macandrew‘s declaration that Carisbrook House was a gaol and he also removed Macandrew from the office of Superintendent and the list of Justices of the Peace. To provide suitable accommodation for debtors the government bought the stone house next to the prison and this house became the debtor‘s gaol. The prison doctor thought that the stone house was so damp that it would have bad effect on the health of anyone living it but Macandrew assured him that he would come to no harm. He was sent there that night.(72)
Major John Richardson, a former Indian Army officer who was the Speaker of the Otago Provincial Council, was made acting Superintendent of Otago for the time being and it became his job to organise the election of the new Superintendent. Richardson decided to stand as the new champion of the small freeholders and Alexander McMaster stood as the representative of the sheep owning squatters. At the meeting for the nomination of candidates Robert Miller nominated Macandrew, saying that he was sorry Macandrew was unable to speak himself because he was ‗detained elsewhere.‘ Miller then read out the speech that Macandrew had drafted. The returning officer then called out for a poll by a show of hands from the crowd, which Macandrew won handsomely. McMaster then demanded a full poll, which was set down for three weeks time.
It was not at all easy to run an election campaign from a debtor‘s prison. Macandrew had to write down his thoughts and policies and use a proxy to make his public speeches. In these speeches he claimed to that he was ‗upwards of £40,000 poorer than when he took office‘ and he attributed most of this loss to his enthusiasm for steam, which he claimed was more for the benefit of the public than for his own benefit – in his written speech he claimed to have lost at least £15,000 on the Queen and £4,000 on the Pirate.(73) The Otago Witness opposed his efforts and tried to characterize him as a friend of the squatter rather than the small farmer. The editor revived an old ‗scandal‘ involving Macandrew and John Jones. Jones had some extensive land claims that dated from well before the Otago settlement and he was keen to set up a large sheep run on the good coastal land to the north of Dunedin. During the 1860 election Macandrew had promised to set aside some of this good land as a Hundred for subdivision into small freehold blocks. When the proclamation declaring the Hundred finally arrived from Auckland all the land that Jones had wanted was, somehow, not included in the Hundred. The editor felt that Jones must have used some ‗peculiar power of eloquence‘ with Macandrew to ensure such a favourable result. (74) Lambert, the editor of the Colonist – which had been Macandrew‘s newspaper – joined the Witness in the campaign against Macandrew, retelling any stories of Macandrew‘s supposed financial chicanery.
The election was held on 17 May and it is interesting aside to note that Gabriel Read, an itinerant Australian, brought the votes in from the Tuapeka area.(75) Macandrew received good support from the small farmers of the Taieri Plain and Tokomairiro but very few votes from the business community. Henry Monson voted for him but neither Macandrew‘s father-in-law nor his brothers-in-law did.(76) When the votes were counted Macandrew had received 189 votes, Richardson 292 and McMaster 106.
At the same time the Governor appointed the Auditor-General, Dr Knight, to act as a Commissioner to closely examine the Otago Provincial Council accounts.(77) His report was published in the official Provincial Gazette on 7 June 1861. He found that the paper work had not been done thoroughly, although the only item that needed remedial action was the petty cash. John McGlashan, who was the Provincial Treasurer, had been keeping too much cash on hand and he had not been accounting for it properly. Because of this oversight McGlashan was forced to resign on 6 July and Macandrew, as his superior, was told that he should accept some responsibility for McGlashan‘s failings because he had failed to supervise the Treasurer fully. In the end there was a deficiency of £1012/14/5 in the Provincial accounts which was never repaid. The Otago Provincial Council was keen to take legal action against Macandrew but the Crown Law Officer reported that as he was not guilty of embezzlement there was no case to answer. James Macandrew had never been entrusted with any public monies, and he had not put obtained any money under false pretences, and so the Council would have had a difficult time successfully prosecuting him. On 27 July Macandrew applied to be released from imprisonment. In his formal statement to the court he claimed that he had made a loss of over £40,000 during 1860, most of which was due to the losses that he had sustained on trying to set up the steamer service. The forced sale of the Horse Shoe Bush run and the unexpected reappearance of the Garden and Macandrew partnership with its associated debts had also contributed to this loss. He estimated that at the end of 1860 his liabilities exceeded his assets by £13,000. The judge declined his request for release, citing his reckless attitude towards his creditors.
On 8 August a majority of his creditors petitioned the judge to allow for his early release on the grounds that ‗without his personal services and exertions – there is little prospect on the Estate being wound up. (78) Towards the end of September, when he had spent over eight months under some form of constraint, a sympathiser wrote – signing himself ‗Mercy‘ – to the Otago Witness. In this letter ‗Mercy‘ suggested that he ‗could not shut his eyes from the fact that this imprisonment is mainly owing to a mean and petty vindictiveness, which nothing can justify, and which is probably defeating its own end, for the retaining creditor is not likely, I believe, to gain anything by it, while to the great body of creditors it may be said to be a certain loss. (79) It would seem that Macandrew was going to languish in jail for a long time; it was not uncommon for an unfortunate debtor to spend years in the debtor‘s prison if a particularly spiteful creditor persisted in pursuing him.*
Macandrew‘s name continued to appear in the court pages as several of the deals that he had stitched together unravelled. Many of these deals had been done using Bills of Exchange for dates far into the future and the recipients of these Bills often had the Bills cashed by a third party well before they were due. Macandrew was involved in some of these deals as a financial intermediary and complications had arisen when he was declared bankrupt. One of the more serious cases involved 2,450 ewes from John McLean‘s Morven Hills run in northern Otago (see Map of Otago, page169). Macandrew had acted as agent for the sale and when he had taken possession of McLean‘s sheep he had entered into an agreement with another runholder to deliver them to him in six months time. However, Macandrew had immediately on sold the sheep to a third party with the hope of buying some more sheep cheaply in six months time and thereby completing the deal with the original purchaser and
* One of the most notorious cases being that of Sir William Chaytor of Croft in Yorkshire, who ended up spending a total of 17 years in the Fleet Prison in London while his lawyers fought over his estates and debts.

making some extra money on the side. By the time the transaction was due to have been concluded Macandrew was bankrupt. The purchasers of the sheep tried to hold the owner of Morven Hills to the deal but at the lower court the judge refused to allow this to happen because no actual money had changed hands; which meant that Macandrew had not entered into a legal contract with the owner and he could not be obliged to complete the deal that had been struck.(80) The purchasers took the case to a higher court and, in January 1862, they finally managed to extract £4,081 from McLean for his failure to deliver the sheep.(81)
Eliza and her children – there were now five children with the birth of Herbert on 17 September 1859 – were forced to find new accommodation when the bank sold the Carisbrook estate in May 1861. A Mr Bayley Pike bought it at that particular mortgagee sale but it seems that he soon found that he did not have the financial resources to maintain an estate of this size because there was another mortgagee sale early in 1864. In January 1864 John Bathgate, the recently arrived manager of the new Bank of Otago, bought the somewhat neglected property.(82)

(1) Otago Witness 26 March 1853 - (2) McLintock, A. H. Otago p167 - (3) Le Cren, Denis The Macandrew and Rich Families 1993 p85 - (4) James Macandrew to Thomas Reynolds junior 16 June 1854 - (5) Donaldson, Marsha email 20/2/2002 citing James Macandrew’s Bible OESM - (6) Title Deeds 220 (22/10/18560 and 340 (17/6/1858) - (7) Le Cren, Denis The Macandrew and Rich Families 1993 - (8) Brooking, Tom And Captain of their Souls Dunedin 1984 p111 - (9) Fox, Maureen ‘To save a Bank’ N Z Historic Places Magazine November 1999. For many years this was the site of the Invercargill branch of the Bank of New South Wales - (10) Eccles, Alfred & Reed, A H John Jones of Otago 1949 Dunedin p85 - (11) Scholefield, Guy H.ed. Richmond/Atkinson Papers Wellington 1960 pp421-423 - (12) Beattie, J Herries Pioneer Recollections I Gore1909 p49 - (13) MacGibbon, John Going Abroad 1997 - (14) Otago Witness 27 July 1861 p3 - (15) Brooking, Tom And Captain of their Souls Dunedin 1984 p107/8 - (16) McLintock, A H The History of Otago 1949 pp368-370 - (17) McLintock, A H The History of Otago 1949 pp399-400 - (18) Reed, A H The Story of Early Dunedin 1956pp231-232 - (19) Ross, Angus New Zealand Aspirations in the South Pacific in the 19th Century pp55/64 - (20) Otago Witness 5 May 1855 page 3 - (21) McLintock, A H The History of Otago 1949 p407-8 - (22) Church, Ian Port Chalmers and its People 1994 p83 - (23) Otago Witness 8, 22 May 1858 - (24) McLean, Gavin Otago Harbour: Currents of Controversy 1985 p39 - (25) Otago Witness - (26) June 1858 26 Otago Witness 2 October 1858 - (27) Ellis, M A James Macandrew and His Times Thesis presented at Otago University 1927 p17 - (28) Otago Witness 2 October 1858 - (29) Melbourne Argus July 8 1858–July 16 1858 - (30) Otago Witness 18 September 1858. The correspondence between James Macandrew and William Cargill was published in the Dunedin newspapers. - (31) Otago Witness 11 September 1858 - (32) Wilkinson, J D Early New Zealand Steamers Wellington 1966 p135-151 - (33) Otago Witness 23 October 1858 - (34) Otago Witness 23 October 1858 - (35) Otago Witness 15 January 1859 - (36) Otago Witness 2 April 1859 - (37) Reed, A H The Early History of Dunedin Dunedin 1956 p149 - (38) Church, Ian Port Chalmers and its People 1994 p23 - (39) McLean, Gavin Full Astern Wellington 2007, p87 - (40) Otago Witness 13 August 1859 - (41) Otago Witness 1 February 1861 page 6 - (42) Wilkinson, J D Early New Zealand Steamers Wellington 1966 p45 - (43) Wilkinson, J D Early New Zealand Steamers Wellington 1966 p160 - (44) Otago Witness 15 December 1860 p5 - (45) Beattie, J Herries Pioneer Recollections IV 1956 - (46) Otago Witness 20 August 1859 - (47) Otago Witness 24 September 1859 p2-3 - (48) Hocken, T M Contributions to the Early History of New Zealand (Otago) London 1898 p191 - (49) Wilkinson, J D Early New Zealand Steamers Wellington 1966 p144 - (50) Wilkinson, J D Early New Zealand Steamers Wellington 1966 p146 - (51) Howard, Basil Rakiura (Stewart Island, New Zealand) Dunedin 1940 pp138-141 - (52) Otago Witness 8 June 1861 pp2, 3,9 Report of Dr Knight - (53) Promise filed in the court 28/1/1861 Email Dick Donaldson 27/3/2002 - (54) Dangerfield, J A The First Railway in Otago 1991 Dunedin p17 - (55) Dunedin Supreme Court archives DAAC/D140/5 - (56) Title Deed #1058 14 July 1860 - (57) Supreme Court plea 4/8/1860 Email Dick Donaldson 27/3/2002 - (58) Title Deed # 1053 15 August 1860 - (59) Last Will and Testament of Eliza Hunter Macandrew, 11th December 1874 - (60) The London Gazette 14 August 1860 p3031 - (61) Otago Witness 27 July 1861 p3 - (62) Declaration signed by James Macandrew 17/11/1860 [1861?] Email Dick Donaldson 27/3/2002 - (63) Title Deed # 1056 1 December 1860 - (64) Otago Witness p4 26 January 1861 - (65) Dunedin Supreme Court archives DAAC/D140/5 - (66) Otago Witness p5 10 August 1861 - (67) Monson, Henry Diary 30th Jan. 1861 Hocken Library Misc-MS-1217 - (68) Locke, Elsie The Gaoler Palmerston North 1978 p199 f - (69) Henry Monson to James Macandrew 31st January 1861 Hocken Library Misc-MS-1217 - (70) Locke, Elsie The Gaoler Palmerston North 1978 p199 f - (71) Scholefield, Guy H New Zealand Parliamentary Record 1840-1949 Wellington 1950 - (72) Gilkison, Robert Early Days in Dunedin Dunedin 1938 p 21 - (73) Ellis, M A James Macandrew and His Times Thesis presented at Otago University 1927 p26 - (74) Otago Witness 20 April 1861 - (75) Salmon, J H M A History of Goldmining in New Zealand Wellington 1963 p45 - (76) Otago Witness 8 June 1861 page 9 - (77) Ellis, M A James Macandrew and His Times Thesis presented at Otago University 1927 pp23-25 - (78) Dunedin Supreme Court Archives Petition for Discharge - (79) Otago Witness 21 September 1861 - (80) Otago Witness p5 17 August 1861 - (81) Otago Witness 2 February 1862 - (82) Bathgate, John Bathgate Expeditions ed A H Reed 1952 p33

 

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